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Book '' dS 



SYNTAX 



MOODS AND TENSES 



NEW TESTAMENT GEEEK 



BY 

EENEST DE WITT BUETON 

if 

Professor in the University of Chicago 



FIFTH EDITION 



CHICAGO 

Zhc XHniversttp of Cbtca^o press 

1903 



Copyright, 1900 
Bt ERNEST D. BURTON. 



Exchange 
Augustana CoHege Liby. 
Sept. 28 1*34 



TO 

MY FATHER AND MOTHER 

in grateful recognition 
of the instruction of early years 
and the helpful interest and encouragement 
in the work of later years 

THIS BOOK 
IS AFFECTIONATELY DEDICATED 



PREFACE TO THE SECOND EDITION. 



The first edition of this work appeared as a pamphlet in 
1888. In issuing this revised and enlarged edition, it seems 
desirable to state somewhat more fully than was done in the 
former preface the purpose which it is hoped the book will 
serve. Classified according to its intent, it belongs among the 
aids to the interpretation of the New Testament. It is de- 
signed to assist English-speaking students in the task of 
translating the Greek New Testament into English forms of 
thought and expression. The work has not been undertaken 
under the impression that grammar is an end in itself, or that 
a knowledge of it is the sole qualification for successful in- 
terpretation, but in the conviction that grammar is one of 
the indispensable auxiliaries of interpretation. The book is 
written, therefore, in the interest not of historical but of 
exegetical grammar, not of philology as such, but of philology 
as an auxiliary of interpretation. If it has any value for 
historical grammar, this is incidental. Its main purpose is 
to contribute to the interpretation of the New Testament by 
the exposition of the functions of the verb in New Testament 
Greek, so far as those functions are expressed by the dis- 
tinctions of mood and tense. 

The student of the New Testament who would interpret it 
with accuracy and clearness must possess — along with other 
qualifications for his work — a knowledge of the distinctions 
of thought which are marked by the different moods and 
tenses of the Greek verb. If he would acquire facility in the 
work of interpretation, he must have an easy familiarity with 
the leading uses of each mood and tense. It is not enough 

v 



vi 



PREFACE. 



that he have at hand for reference an encyclopedic treatise on 
the subject. He must acquire, as a personal mental posses- 
sion, a knowledge of the leading functions of the several 
forms of the Greek verb, and of the forms which express 
those functions in English. For this purpose he needs a book 
which, availing itself of the assured results of comparative 
and historical grammar, and applying to the interpretation of 
the Greek verb the principles of grammar and logic, the laws 
both of Greek and of English speech, shall enumerate the 
various functions of each mood and tense, exhibit in some 
degree their relative importance, and define each clearly. 
The definitions should be scientifically accurate, but they 
should at the same time be constructed with reference to the 
point of view of the interpreter. For the English-speaking 
student English usage must be constantly considered and 
must frequently be defined and compared with Greek usage. 
If such a book does not solve all the problems of New 
Testament grammar, it should, by its treatment of those which 
it discusses, illustrate to the student the right method of 
investigation and so suggest the course which he must pursue 
in solving for himself those problems which the book leaves 
unsolved. My aim has been to provide a book fulfilling these 
conditions. 

The aim of the book has determined the method of its con- 
struction. The usages which are of most frequent occurrence, 
or otherwise of especial importance, have been emphasized by 
being set in the largest type, with a title in bold-faced type. 
The table of contents also has been so constructed as to make 
prominent a conspectus of the leading uses. It may be well to 
require of students who use the book as a text-book that they 
be able to name and define these leading usages of each mood 
and tense ; if they also commit to memory one of the Greek 
examples under each of these prominent usages, they will do 
still better. 

The matter printed in smaller type consists partly of fuller 
exposition of the usages defined in the more prominently 



PREFACE, 



vii 



printed sections, partly of enumeration and definition of the 
less frequent usages. The portions in smallest type are 
chiefly discussions of the rarer or more difficult usages. They 
are an addition to the text-book proper, and are intended to 
give the work, to a limited extent, the character of a book of 
reference. The occasional discussions of English usage would 
of course have no place in a work on Greek grammar pure 
and simple, but to the end which this book is intended to 
serve they are as really germane as any discussions of the 
force of a Greek tense. One often fails to apprehend accu- 
rately a thought expressed in Greek quite as much through 
inexact knowledge of one's own language as through ignorance 
of Greek usage. 

As concerns the extent to which I have used the work of 
others, little need be added to the testimony which the pages 
of the book themselves bear. While gathering information 
or suggestion from all accessible sources, I have aimed to 
make no statement concerning New Testament usage which I 
have not myself proved by personal examination of the pas- 
sages. Eespecting classical usage and pre-classical origins, I 
have relied upon those authorities which are recognized as 
most trustworthy. 

On a subsequent page is added a list of books and authors 
referred to by abbreviations in the body of the book. To all 
of the works there enumerated, as well as to those mentioned 
by full title in the body of the book, I am under obligation for 
assistance or suggestion. It is a pleasure also to acknowledge 
the valuable assistance privately given by various friends. 
Prominent among these, though not completing the list, are 
Professor W. G. Hale of the University of Chicago, Profes- 
sors M. L. D'Ooge and W. W. Beman of the University of 
Michigan, my brother, Professor Henry F. Burton of the 
University of Rochester, and Professor George W. Gilmore 
of Brooklyn, N.Y. But I am chiefly indebted to Professor 
William Arnold Stevens of the Rochester Theological Semi- 
nary, under whose instructions I first became interested in the 



viii 



PREFACE. 



subject of this book, and to whom my obligations in many 
directions are larger than can be acknowledged here. 

In quoting examples from the New Testament I have fol- 
* lowed the Greek text of Westcott and Hort as that which 
perhaps most nearly represents the original text, but have 
intended to note any important variations of Teschendorf s 
eighth edition or of Tregelles in a matter affecting the point 
under discussion. The word text designates the preferred 
reading of the editor referred to, as distinguished from the 
marginal reading. In the English translation of the examples 
I have preferred to follow the Revised Version of 1881 rather 
than to construct entirely independent translations. Yet in 
not a few passages it has seemed necessary to depart from 
this standard either because the revisers followed a Greek text 
different from that of Westcott and Hort, or because their 
translation obscured the value of the passage as an illustration 
of the grammatical principle under discussion, or occasionally 
because I was unwilling even to seem to approve what I 
regarded as unquestionably an error of translation. 

While I have given all diligence to make the book correct 
in statement and in type, I dare not hope that it has altogether 
escaped either typographical errors or those of a more serious 
character. I shall welcome most cordially criticisms, sugges- 
tions, or corrections from any teacher or student into whose 
hands the book may fall. 

ERNEST D. BURTON. 

Chicago, September, 1893. 



Note to the Third Edition.— It having become necessary to send the 
plates of this hook to the press again, I have availed myself of the opportunity 
to correct such errors, typographical and other, as"have come to my attention , 
and to make a few alterations of statement which use of the hook has convinced 
me are desirable. The chief changes are in gg 67 Rem. 1, 98, 120, 137,142-145, 153, 
189, 195, 198, 200 Rem.. 202, 225, 235, 236, 318,325-328, $44 Rem. 2, 352 Rem., 406, 407, 485. 
Chicago, June, 1898. E. D. B. 

Note to the Fourth Edition.— The steadily increasing demand for this 
book has necessitated a fourth edition much sooner than was anticipated. 
This edition, therefore, is published without change from the plates of the 
third edition. The Publishers. 

September, 1900. 



CONTENTS. 

INTRODUCTORY. 

SECTION PAGE 

1. Form and Function 1 

2. The Interpreter's K elation to Grammar 2-5 

3, 4. The four Moods and the seven Tenses 5 

THE TENSES. 

5. Two-fold Function of the Tenses 6 

TENSES OF THE INDICATIVE MOOD. 

6, 7. General Definition of the Tenses of the Indicative ... 6, 7 

The Present Indicative. 

8-10. Progressive Present 7, 8 

11. Conative Present 8 

12. General or Gnomic Present 8 

13. Aoristic Present 9 

14. Historical Present 9 

15. Present for the Future 9, 10 

16. Present of ^/cw, irdpei/M, etc 10 

17. Present of past Action still in Progress .... 10 

18. Similar use of the Aorist 11 

19. Present in Indirect Discourse 11 

20. Periphrastic Form of the Present 11 

The Imperfect Indicative. 

21, 22. Progressive Imperfect 12 

23. Conative Imperfect • . . . . 12 

24. Imperfect of Repeated Action 12 

25-27. Minor uses of Secondary Tenses 13 

28, 29. Imperfect translated by English Perfect and Pluperfect 13, 14 

30-32. Imperfect of Verbs denoting obligation, etc. . . . 14, 15 

33. Imperfect of Verbs of tvishing 15, 16 

34. Periphrastic Form of the Imperfect 16 

ix 



X 



CONTENTS. 



The Aorist Indicative. 

SECTION PAGE 

35. Fundamental Idea of the Aorist 16, 17 

36. Additional uses of the Aorist Indicative 17, 18 

37. Functions of the Aorist distinguished 18, 19 

38-40. Historical Aorist 19, 20 

41. Inceptive Aorist 20, 21 

42. Resultative Aorist 21 

43. Gnomic Aorist 21 

44. Epistolary Aorist 21 

45. Dramatic Aorist 22 

46. Aorist for the (English) Perfect 22 

47. Use of the Aorists a-rrtdavov, i^ar-qv, i^vwv .... 22 

48. Aorist for the (English) Pluperfect . . ... . . . 22, 23 

49. Aorist Indicative in Indirect Discourse .... 23 

50. Aorist used proleptically 23 

51. Minor uses of the Aorist 23 

52-55. English Equivalents of the Greek Aorist Indica- 
tive . 23-30 

56, 57. Distinction between the Aorist and the Imperfect . 30, 31 

The Future Indicative. 

58-66. Predictive Future 31-35 

59. Aoristic Future 31 

60. Progressive Future 32 

61, 62. Relation of Aoristic and Progressive Future . . . 32, 33 

63, 64. Types of Aoristic Future 33, 34 

65. Predictive Future as assertive or promissory . . 34, 35 

66. Predictive Future with ov y.r\ 35 

67, 68. Imperative Future 35 

69. Gnomic Future 35 

70. Deliberative Future 35 

71. Periphrastic Form of the Future 36 

72, 73. MAXw with the Infinitive 36, 37 

The Perfect Indicative. 

74. Perfect of Completed Action 37 

75, 76. Perfect of Existing State 37, 38 

77. Intensive Perfect 38 

78. Historical Perfect 38,39 

79. Gnomic Perfect 39 



CONTENTS. xi 

SECTION PAGE 

80. Aoristic Perfect 39 

81. Perfect Indicative in Indirect Discourse ... 39 

82. Perfect Indicative translated by English Past . 39, 40 

83. Perfect used proleptically 40 

84. Periphrastic Form of the Perfect 40 

85. Definition of the term " complete " 40,41 

86-88. Aorist and Perfect compared 41-44 

The Pluperfect. 

89. Pluperfect of Completed Action 44 

90. Pluperfect of Existing State 44, 45 

91. Periphrastic Form of the Pluperfect .... 45 

92. Pluperfect and Aorist similarly translated . . 45 

The Future Perfect. 

93. Simple Future Perfect 45 

94. Periphrastic Future Perfect 45 

TENSES OF THE DEPENDENT MOODS. 

95. General Principles 46 

96, 97. Present of the Dependent Moods ....... 46 

98. Aorist of the Dependent Moods 46, 47 

99, 100. Future of the Dependent Moods 47, 48 

101-103. Perfect of the Dependent Moods 48, 49 

104-109. Tenses of the Infinitive after Prepositions . . . 49-51 
110-114. Tenses of the Dependent Moods in Indirect 

Discourse 51-53 

TENSES OF THE PARTICIPLE. 

115-118. General Principles 53,54 

The Present Participle. 

119. Present Participle of Simultaneous Action . . 54, 55 

120-122. Present Participle of Identical Action . . . . 55,56 

123-126. General Present Participle 56-58 

127. Present Participle for the Imperfect .... 58 

128-131. Minor uses of the Present Participle 58, 59 



xii 



CONTENTS. 



The Aorist Participle. 

SECTION 

132, 133. General Force of the Aorist Participle . . 

134-138. Aorist Participle or Antecedent Action 
139-141. Aorist Participle of Identical Action . . 
142-145. Aorist Participle of Subsequent Action . . 

146. Aorist Participle with the object of a Verb 

Perception 

147. Aorist Participle with XapQdvw 

148, 149. Exceptional uses of the Aorist Participle . . , 
150, 151. Equivalence of the Aorist Participle . . 



The Future Participle. 

152. General Force of the Future Participle ... 70, 71 

153. MAXuc with the Infinitive, denoting inten- 

tion, etc 71 



The Perfect Participle. 

154, 155. General Force of the Perfect Participle ... 71, 72 
156. Perfect Participle used as a Pluperfect 72 



THE MOODS. 

MOODS IN PRINCIPAL CLAUSES. 

The Indicative Mood. 

157. General Force of the Indicative 73 

158, 159. Indicative in Qualified Assertions 73, 74 

The Subjunctive Mood. 

160, 161. Hortatory Subjunctive 74, 75 

162-167. Prohibitory Subjunctive 75, 76 

168-171. Deliberative Subjunctive 76-78 

172, 173. Subjunctive in Negative Assertions 78 

The Optative Mood. 

174. Infrequency of the Optative in later Greek . . 79 

175-177. Optative of Wishing 79 

178, 179. Potential Optative 79, 80 



CONTENTS. 



xiii 



The Imperative Mood. 

section page 

180. Imperative in Commands and Exhortations ... 80 

181. Imperative in Entreaties and Petitions .... 80 
182, 183. Imperative to express Consent or an Hypothesis 80, 81 

184. Tenses of the Imperative in Commands and Pro- 
hibitions 81 



FINITE MOODS IN SUBORDINATE CLAUSES. 

185-187. Subordinate Clauses Classified 81-83 

Moods in Clauses Introduced by Final Particles. 

1 88, 189. Classification and General Usage . . . . • 83, 84 

190-196. New Testament Use of Final Particles ... 84, 85 

197-199. Pure Final Clauses 85,86 

200-204. Object Clauses after Verbs of Exhorting, etc. . 87, 88 
205-210. Object Clauses after Verbs of Striving, etc. . . 88-90 
211-214. Subject, Predicate, and Appositive Clauses intro- 
duced by tra 90, 91 

215-217. Complementary and Epexegetic Clauses intro- 
duced by iva 91, 92 

218-223. Clauses of Conceived Result introduced by tva . 92-95 

224-227. Object Clauses after Verbs of Fear and Danger 95, 96 



Moods in Clauses of Cause. 

228. Definition 97 

229,230. Moods and Tenses in Causal Clauses 97 

231,232. Independent Causal Sentences 98 

233. Other Methods of expressing Cause 98 

Moods in Clauses of Result. 

234. Definition 99 

235. Distinction between Indicative and Infinitive in Con- 

secutive Clauses 99 

236. Indicative with u<rre 99, 100 

237. Independent Consecutive Sentences 100 



Moods in Conditional Sentences. 



238-241. 
242-247. 



Definition and Classification 100, 101 

Simple Present or Past Particular Supposition 102, 103 



xiv CONTENTS. 

section page 

248, 249. Supposition contrary to Fact 103, 104 

250. Future Supposition with more Probability . . 104 

251-256. Variant Forms 104, 105 

257. Particular and General Suppositions referring 

to the Future 106 

258. Present and Future Suppositions in Indirect 

Discourse 106 

259. Future Supposition with less Probability . . 106, 107 

260, 261. Present General Supposition 107, 108 

262,263. Third and Fifth Classes compared .... 108 

264. First and Fifth Classes compared .... 109 

265. [Past General Supposition] 109 

266-277. Peculiarities of Conditional Sentences . . . 109-112 

Moods in Concessive Sentences. 

278. Definition. . . 112,113 

279-282. Ei kclL and /ecu el in Concessive Clauses . . 113, 114 

283. General Usage of Moods and Tenses in Con- 

cessive Clauses 114 

284. Concessive Clauses of the First Class . . . 114 

285. Concessive Clauses referring to the Future . 114, 115 

286. Concessive Clauses of the Fourth Class . . . 115 

287. Concessive Clauses of the Fifth Class .... 115 

288. Concessive Particles in English 115, 116 

Moods in Relative Clauses. 

289-291. Definition and Classification 116, 117 

I. Definite Eelative Clauses. 

292. Definition 117, 118 

293. Moods in Definite Relative Clauses 118 

294. Definite Relative Clauses implying cause, result, 

or concession 118 

295. Restrictive and Explanatory Relative Clauses . . 119 

II. Conditional Relative Sentences. 

296-300. Definition and Classification 119-121 

301. Simple Present or Past Particular Supposition 121 

302. [Supposition contrary to Fact] 121 



CONTENTS. XV 

section page 

303-305. Future Supposition with more Probability . . 121, 122 

306-309. Variant Forms . . 122, 123 

310. Particular and General Suppositions referring 

to the future 123 

311. [Future Supposition with less Probability] . 123 
312-314. Present General Supposition 123, 124 

315. Past General Supposition 124,125 

316. Clauses conditional in form, but definite in sense 125 

III. Relative Clauses Expressing Purpose. 

317. Relative Clauses of Pure Purpose 125 

318-320. Complementary Relative Clauses ..... 125,126 

. IV. Relative Clauses introduced by words meaning 
Until, While, and Before. 

321. Definition of e'ws 126, 127 

322, 323. Clauses introduced by ews and referring to the 

future 127 

324-326. Clauses introduced by ews and referring to 

WHAT WAS IN PAST TIME A FUTURE CONTINGENCY 127, 128 

327. Clauses introduced by ews (until), and refer- 
ring TO A PAST FACT . 128 

328,329. Clauses introduced by ews (while), and refer- 
ring TO A CONTEMPORANEOUS EVENT 128 

330. "Ews followed by ou or 8tov 128, 129 

331, 332. Clauses introduced by a%pt, &XP L °«> etc. . . . 129 

333. Clauses introduced by irpLv 129 

Moods in Indirect Discourse. 

334-340. Definition and Classification ........ 130-132 

341, 342. Classical Usage in Indirect Discourse 132 

343-346. New Testament Usage in Indirect Discourse . . . 132-134 

347. Single dependent Clauses in Indirect Discourse 134 

348. Imperfect for Present, and Pluperfect for Per- 

fect in Indirect Discourse 134, 135 

349, 350. Relative Pronouns in Indirect Discourse . . 135 

351-356. Indirect Discourse in English and in Greek 135-142 

Construction after Kal lyevtTO. 

357-360. Three Forms of the Idiom 142, 143 



xvi 



CONTENTS. 



THE INFINITIVE. 

SECTION PAGE 

361-363. Origin, and Classification of Uses 143-145 

The Infinitive without the Article. 

364, 365. Imperative Infinitive 146 

366,367. Infinitive of Purpose 146 

368. Infinitive as an Indirect Object 147 

369-371. Infinitive of Result 147-150 

372-374. Exceptional usages 150 

375. Infinitive defining Content of a previous Verb 

or Noun 150, 151 

376,377. Infinitive limiting Adjectives and Adverbs . . 151 

378, 379. Infinitive limiting Nouns 151, 152 

380-382. Infinitive after irpLv or Trplv q 152 

383. Infinitive used absolutely 153 

384, 385. Infinitive as Subject 153 

386. Infinitive as Appositive 153 

387-389. Infinitive as Object 153, 154 

390. Infinitive in Indirect Discourse 154, 155 

391. Infinitive after verbs of hoping, promising, swear- 

ing, commanding, etc 155 

The Infinitive with the Article. 

392. General Use of Infinitive with the Article . 155, 156 

393. Infinitive with to as Subject 156 

394. Infinitive with to as Object 156 

395. Infinitive with the Article, in Apposition . . 156, 157 

396. Infinitive with t£ 157 

397. Infinitive of Purpose with tov 157 

398. Infinitive of Result with tov 157, 158 

399. Infinitive with tov after Adjectives .... 158 

400. Infinitive with tov after Nouns 158 

401. Infinitive with tov after Verbs that take the 

Genitive 158,159 

402, 403. Various constructions after Verbs of hindering 159 
404, 405. Infinitive with tov as Subject or Object . . . 159, 160 
406-417. Infinitive with the Article governed by Prepo- 
sitions 160-163 



CONTENTS. Xvii 
THE PARTICIPLE. 

SECTION PAGE 

418. General Nature of the Participle 163 

419. Classification respecting logical force 163, 164 

The Adjective Participle. 

420, 421. Definition and Classification 164 

422. Restrictive Attributive Participle 164, 165 

423. Restrictive Attributive Participle with Subject 

omitted 165 

424. Noun without the article limited by a Participle 

with the article 165 

425. Neuter Participle with the article equivalent to an 

abstract Noun 166 

426. Explanatory Attributive Participle .... 166 

427. Order of words with Attributive Participle 

limiting a Noun with the article 166, 167 

428. Attributive Participle conveying a subsidiary idea 

of cause, purpose, etc 167 

429, 430. Predicative Adjective Participle 167 

431. Predicative Participle used to form periphrastic 

tenses 168 

432, 433. Participles in Predicate in various construc- 
tions 168,169 

The Adverbial Participle. 

434. Definition . 169 

435. Adverbial Participle of Time 169 

436. Adverbial Participle or Condition 169 

437, 438. Adverbial Participle of Concession . . . . 170 

439. Adverbial Participle of Cause 170 

440,441. Participle of Cause with tJs 170, 171 

442. Adverbial Participle of Purpose 171 

443. Adverbial Participle of Means 171 

444. Adverbial Participle of Manner 171 

445, 446. 'Qs with the Participle denoting Manner .... 172 

447. Participle of Manner or Means denoting same 

action as that of the principal Verb .... 172, 173 

448. Intensive Participle — Hebraistic ...... 173 



xviii 



CONTENTS, 



SECTION PAGE 

449, 450. Adverbial Participle of Attendant Circum- 
stance 173, 174 

451 . More than one adverbial relation implied by 

the same Participle 174 

452-454. Genitive Absolute 174, 175 

455. Position of Adverbial Participle 175 

The Substantive Participle. 

456. Definition . . . . 175 

457. Substantive Participle as Subject 175 

458, 459. Substantive Participle as Object 176 

460. Substantive Participle in Indirect Discourse . . 176 

461. Substantive Participle as a limiting Genitive 176 

462. Position of Substantive Participle 177 

463. Substantive Participle distinguished from Ad- 

jective Participle used substantively . . . 177 

THE USE OF NEGATIVES WITH VERBS. 

464. General Usage 178 

NEGATIVES WITH THE INDICATIVE. 

465. Negatives in Independent declaratory Sentences . . 178 

466. Negatives with a Prohibitory Future 179 

467. Negatives in Questions 179 

468. M7? ov in Rhetorical Questions . . ... . . . 179 

469, 470. Negatives in Conditional and Conditional Relative 

Clauses 179,180 

471. Ei' fx-rj in the sense of except ■ 180 

472. Ov after y-q as a conjunction 181 

473. Negatives in Indirect Discourse 181 

474. Negatives in Causal Clauses and in simple Relative 

Clauses 181 

NEGATIVES WITH THE SUBJUNCTIVE, OPTATIVE, 
AND IMPERATIVE. 

475. Negatives with the Subjunctive 181, 182 

476,477. Negatives with the Optative ... 0 .... . 182 

478, 479. Negatives with the Imperative ........ 182, 183 



CONTENTS. Xix 
NEGATIVES WITH THE INFINITIVE AND PARTICIPLE. 

SECTION PAGE 

480. General Usage of Negatives with the Infinitive . . 183 

481. Negatives with a limitation of an Infinitive or of its 

subject 183, 184 

482. Compound of ov with an Infinitive dependent on a 

principal verb limited by ov 184 

483. Redundant iat) with Infinitive after verbs of hinder- 

ing, denying, etc 184 

484. Negative with Infinitive dependent on a verb itself 

negatived by ov 184 

485. General Usage of Negatives with the Participle . . 184, 185 

SUCCESSIVE AND DOUBLE NEGATIVES. 

486. Two simple Negatives, or a compound Negative fol- 

lowed by a simple Negative 185 

487, 488. Double Negative ov ^ 185, 186 

489. Negative followed by similar compound Negative or 

double Negative 186 



LIST OF WORKS AND AUTHORS 



REFERRED TO BY ABBREVIATION. 



A. J. P. .... American Journal of Philology. 

Alf. Henry Alford, The Greek New Testament. 4 vols. Lon- 
don. 

A. V Authorized Version of the New Testament. 

B Alexander Buttmann, A Grammar of the New Testament 

Greek. Translated by J. H. Thayer. Andover, 1873. 
Bib. Sac. . . . Bibliotheca Sacra. 

Br Karl Brugmann, Griechische Grammatik, in Iwan Miil- 

ler's Handbuch der klassischen Altertumswissenschaft, 
vol. II. Second Edition. Munchen, 1890. 

CI. Bev Classical Review. 

Bel. B. Delbrilck, Syntaktische Forschungen. Halle, 1871— 

1888. 

Ev. Pet Apocryphal Gospel of Peter. (Verses according to the 

edition of Harnack, Leipzig, 1893.) 
G W. W. Goodwin, A Greek Grammar. Revised Edition. 

Boston, 1892. 

Gild Basil L. Gildersleeve, various papers in A. J. P. and 

T.A.P.A. 

G.M.T W. W. Goodwin, Syntax of the Moods and Tenses of the 

Greek Verb. Revised and enlarged. Boston, 1889. 

Gr Thomas Sheldon Green, A Treatise on the Grammar of 

the New Testament. New Edition. London, 1862. 

HA James Hadley, A Greek Grammar for Schools and Col- 
leges. Revised by E. D. Allen. New York, 1884. 

Hr W. B. Harper, Elements of Hebrew Syntax. New York, 

1888. 

W. E. Jelf, A Grammar of the Greek Language. Third 

Edition. 2 vols. Oxford and London, 1861. 

J.B.L Journal of the Society of Biblical Literature and Exegesis. 

K. Baphael Kuhner, Grammatik der Griechischen Sprache. 

Hanover, 1869-1872. 

Ka E. Kautzsch, Grammatik des Biblisch-Aramaischen. 

Leipzig, 1884. 

xxi 



xxii LIST OF WORKS AND AUTHORS. 

L. and S. . . . Liddell and Scott, Greek-English Lexicon, etc. Seventh 

Edition. New York, 1882. 
Ltft J. B. Lightfoot, Commentaries on Galatians, on Philip- 

pians, and on Colossians and Philemon. 
Mart. Polyc. . Martyrium Polycarpi. (See any edition of the Apostolic 

Fathers.) 

Meist -BT. Meisterhans, Grammatik der Attischen Inschriften. 



Berlin, 1885. 

Mey H. A. W. Meyer, Kommentar uher das Neue Testament. 

Gottingen, 1867-1876. English Translation, Edinburgh, 
1873-1880. 



Ps. Sol The Psalms of Solomon. (Recent edition by Ryle and 

James, Cambridge, 1891.) 

R.V The New Testament in the Revised Version of 1881. 

S. W. H. Simcox, The Language of the New Testament. 

London and New York, 1889. 
Th J. H. Thayer, A Greek-English Lexicon of the New 

Testament: Being Grimm's Wilke's Clavis Novi Testa- 

menti, translated, revised, and enlarged. New York, 

1886. 

Tisch Constantinus Tischendorf, Novum Testamentum Graece. 

Eighth Edition. 2 vols. Leipzig, 1869-72. 
Treg S. P. Tregelles, The Greek New Testament. London, 

1857-79. 



T.A.P.A. . . . Transactions of the American Philological Association. 
W. G. B. Winer. See WM. and WT. 

WH. Westcott and Hort, The New Testament in the Original 

Greek, the text revised by B. F. Westcott and F. J. A. 
Hort. 2 vols. Cambridge and New York, 1881. 

WM. G. B. Winer, A Treatise on the Grammar of New Testa- 
ment Greek. Translated by W. F. Moulton. Third 
Edition. Edinburgh, 1882. 

WT. G. B. Winer, A Grammar of the Idiom of the New Tes- 
tament. Seventh Edition, enlarged and improved by 
Gottlieb Lunemann. Revised and authorized Trans- 
lation by J. H. Thayer. Andover, 1869. 

WS. G. B. Winer's Grammatik des neutestamentlichen Sprach- 

idioms, Achte Auflage, neu bearbeitet von D. Paul Willi. 
Schmiedel, Gottingen, 1894- (in process of publication). 

For classical and Scripture writers the ordinary abbreviations are used. 
References to the Old Testament are to the Septuagint Version, unless 
otherwise indicated. 



SYNTAX 

OF THE 

Moods and Tenses in New Testament Geeek. 



INTRODUCTORY. 

1. Form and Function. The following pages deal with 
the various functions of the various verb-forms of the Greek 
of the New Testament, so far as respects their mood and 
tense. It is important that the nature of the relation between 
form and function be clearly held in mind. It is by no means 
the case that each form has but one function, and that each 
function can be discharged by but one form. Forms of various 
origin may be associated together under one name and perform 
the same function, or group of functions. Compare, e.g., the 
Aorist Active Infinitives, \vaai and ei7retV : these forms are of 
quite diverse origin; in function they have become entirely 
assimilated. The same is true of the Aorist Active Indicatives, 
eSeitja and to-Trjv. Forms also which still have different names, 
and usually perform different functions, may have certain 
functions in common. Compare the Aorist Subjunctive and 
the Future Indicative in clauses of purpose (197, 198). On 
the other hand, and to an even greater extent, we find that a 
given form, or a given group of forms bearing a common name, 
performs various distinct functions. Observe, e.g., the various 
functions of the Aorist Indicative (38-48). 

1 



2 



INTRODUCTORY. 



The name of a given form, or group of forms, is usually 
derived from some prominent function of the form or group. 
Thus the term Aorist reflects the fact that the forms thus 
designated most frequently represent an action indefinitely 
without reference to its progress. The name Present suggests 
that the forms thus designated denote present time, which is 
true, however, of the smaller part only of those that bear the 
name, and of none of them invariably. The name Optative 
again reminds us that one function of the forms so named is 
to express a wish. While, therefore, the names of the forms 
were originally intended to designate their respective func- 
tions, they cannot now be regarded as descriptive of the actual 
functions, but must be taken as conventional, and to a con- 
siderable extent arbitrary, names of the forms. The functions 
must be learned, not from the names, but from observation of 
the actual usage. 

2. The Interpreter's Relation to Grammar. Both the 
grammarian as such and the interpreter deal with grammar, but 
from very different points of view. The distinction between 
these points of view should be clearly recognized by the in- 
terpreter. It may be conveniently represented by the terms 
historical grammar and exegetical grammar. Historical gram- 
mar deals with the development of both form and function 
through the various periods of the history of the language, 
and does this in purely objective fashion. Exegetical grammar, 
on the other hand, takes the forms as it finds them, and defines 
the functions which at a given period each form discharged, 
and does this from the point of view of the interpreter, for 
the purpose of enabling him to reproduce the thought con- 
veyed by the form. To investigate the process by which the 
several forms were built up, to determine the earliest function 
of each such form, to show how out of this earliest function 



INTRODUCTORY. 



3 



others were developed, and how forms of different origin, and 
presumably at first of different function, became associated, 
discharging the same function and eventually coming to bear 
the same name — all this belongs to historical grammar. To 
reproduce in the mind of the interpreter, and to express as 
nearly as may be in his own tongue, the exact thought 
which a given form was in the period in question capable of 
expressing — this is the task of exegetical grammar. Histori- 
cal grammar views its problem wholly from the point of view 
of the language under investigation, without reference to the 
language of the grammarian. Exegetical grammar is neces- 
sarily concerned both with the language under investigation 
and with that in which the interpreter thinks and speaks, 
since its problem is to aid in reproducing in the latter tongue 
thought expressed in the former. 

The results of historical grammar are of the greatest interest 
and value to exegetical grammar. Our interpretation of the 
phenomena of language in its later periods can hardly fail to 
be affected by a knowledge of the earlier history. Strictly 
speaking, however, it is with the results only of the processes 
of historical grammar that the interpreter is concerned. If 
the paradigm has been rightly constructed, so that forms of 
diverse origin perhaps, but completely assimilated in function, 
bear a common name, exegetical grammar is concerned only to 
know what are the functions which each group of forms bear- 
ing a common name is capable of discharging. Thus, the 
diversity of origin of the two Aorists, eXvaa and ZXlttov, does 
not immediately concern the interpreter, if it is an assured 
result of historical grammar that these two forms are com- 
pletely assimilated in function. Nor does it concern him that 
the at at the end of the Infinitives, Set£<u and Uvai, is the mark 
of the Dative case, and that the earliest use of such infinitives 
was as a verbal noun in the Dative case, except as this fact 



4 



INTRODUCTORY. 



of historical grammar aids him in the interpretation of the 
phenomena of that period of the language with which he is 
dealing. The one question of exegetical grammar to which 
all other questions are subsidiary is, What function did this 
form, or group of forms, discharge at the period with which 
we are dealing ? What, e.g., in the New Testament, are the 
functions of the Present Indicative ? What are the uses of 
the Aorist Subjunctive ? 

For practical convenience forms are grouped together, and 
the significance of each of the distinctions made by inflection 
discussed by itself. The present work confines itself to the 
discussion of mood and tense, and discusses these as far as 
possible separately. Its question therefore is, What in the 
New Testament are the functions of each tense and of each 
mood ? These various functions must be defined first of all 
from the point of view of the Greek language itself. Since, 
however, the interpreter whom in the present instance it is 
sought to serve thinks in English, and seeks to express in 
English the thought of the Greek, reference must be had 
also to the functions of the English forms as related to 
those of the Greek forms. Since, moreover, distinctions of 
function in the two languages do not always correspond, 
that is, since what in Greek is one function of a given form 
may be in English subdivided into several functions per- 
formed by several forms, it becomes necessary not only to 
enumerate and define the functions of a given form purely 
from the point of view of Greek, but to subdivide the one 
Greek function into those several functions which in English 
are recognized and marked by the employment of different 
forms. An enumeration of the uses of a given Greek tense 
made for the use of an English interpreter may therefore 
properly include certain titles which would not occur in a 
list made for one to whom Greek was the language of 



INTRODUCTORY. 



5 



ordinary speech and thought. The Aorist for the English 
Perfect, and the Aorist for the English Pluperfect (46, 48) 
furnish a pertinent illustration. The interests of the English 
interpreter require that they be clearly recognized. Eidelity 
to Greek usage requires that they be recognized as, strictly 
speaking, true Historical Aorists. 

3. The Greek verb has four moods, — the Indicative, the 
Subjunctive, the Optative, and the Imperative. With these 
are associated in the study of Syntax the Infinitive, which is, 
strictly speaking, a verbal noun, and the Participle, which is 
a verbal adjective. 

The Subjunctive, Optative, Imperative, and Infinitive are 
often called dependent moods. 

Rem. The term dependent is not strictly applicable to these moods, 
and least of all to the Imperative, which almost always stands as a prin- 
cipal verb. It has, however, become an established term, and is retained 
as a matter of convenience. 

4. There are seven tenses in the Greek, — the Present, 
Imperfect, Aorist, Future, Perfect, Pluperfect, and Future 
Perfect. 

Those tenses which denote present or future time are called 
Primary tenses. Those tenses which denote past time are 
called Secondary tenses. Since the time denoted by a tense 
varies with the particular use of the tense, no fixed line of 
division can be drawn between the two classes of tenses. In 
the Indicative the Present and Perfect are usually, and the 
Future and Future Perfect are always, Primary tenses ; the 
Imperfect, Aorist, and Pluperfect are usually Secondary 
tenses. 



THE TENSES. 



5. The action denoted by a verb may be denned by the tense 
of the verb 

(a) As respects its progress. Thus it may be represented 
as in progress, or as completed, or indefinitely, i.e. as a simple 
event without reference to progress or completion. 

(b) As respects its time, as past, present, or future. 

The tenses of the Indicative mood in general define the 
action of the verb in both these respects. 

The tenses of the other moods in general define the action 
of the verb only as respects its progress. HA. 821 ; O. 1249. 

Rem. The chief function of a Greek tense is thus not to denote time, 
but progress. This latter function belongs to the tense-forms of all the 
moods, the former to those of the Indicative only. 



TENSES OF THE INDICATIVE MOOD. 

6. The significance of the tenses of the Indicative mood 
may be stated in general as follows : — 

As respects progress : The Present and Imperfect denote 
action in progress ; the Perfect, Pluperfect, and Future Perfect 
denote completed action ; the Aorist represents the action 
indefinitely as an event or single fact ; the Future is used 
either of action in progress like the Present, or indefinitely 
like the Aorist. 

As respects time : The Present and Perfect denote present 
time : the Imperfect, Aorist, and Pluperfect denote past time ; 
the Future and Future Perfect denote future time. 

6 



THE PRESENT INDICATIVE. 



7 



7. The tenses of the Indicative in general denote time rela- 
tive to that of speaking. Most exceptions to this rnle are 
apparent or rhetorical rather than real and grammatical. In 
indirect discourse the point of view, as respects time, of the 
original speaking or thinking is retained. Cf. 351. Of two 
verbs of past time, one may refer to an action antecedent to 
the other, but this fact of antecedence is implied in the con- 
text, not expressed in the tense. Cf. 29 and 48. By prolepsis 
also a verb of past time may refer to or include events to take 
place after the time of speaking, but before a point of future 
time spoken of in the context. Cf. 50. In conditional sen- 
tences of the second form, the tenses are properly timeless. 
Cf. 248. See Br. 154 (p. 180). 

THE PKESENT INDICATIVE. 

8. The Progressive Present. The Present Indicative 
is used of action in progress in present time. HA. 824; 
a. 1250, 1. 

Matt. 25:8; at Aa///7raSes 17/xcov afitvwvTai, our lamps are going out. 
Gal. 1:6; #au/xa£a> on oirrco? ra^ew? [X€TaTL$€cr6e ouro rov KaAeVav- 

tos vfias, 1 marvel that ye are so quickly removing from Mm that called 

you. 

9. The most constant characteristic of the Present Indica- 
tive is that it denotes action in progress. It probably had 
originally no reference to present time (see Br. 156). But 
since, in the historical periods of the language, action in 
progress in past time is expressed by the Imperfect, and the 
Future is used both as a progressive and as an aoristic tense 
for future time, it results that the Present Indicative is chiefly 
used to express action in progress in present time. Hence 
in deciding upon the significance of any given instance of the 
Present Indicative in the New Testament as well as in classi- 



s 



THE TENSES. 



cal Greek, the interpreter may consider that there is, at least 
in the majority of words, a certain presumption in favor of 
the Progressive Present rather than any of the other uses 
mentioned below. 

10. The Progressive Present in Greek is not always best 
translated by what is commonly called in English the "Pro- 
gressive Form." Some English verbs themselves suggest 
action in progress, and do not, except when there is strong 
emphasis on the progressive idea, use the progressive form. 
Thus the verb Oavfxd^o), in Gal. 1 : 6, is a Progressive Present, 
but is best translated / marvel, the verb itself sufficiently sug- 
gesting the idea of action in progress. 

11. The Conative Present. The Present Indicative is 
occasionally used of action attempted, but not accomplished. 
HA. 825 ; G. 1255. This use is, however, not to be re- 
garded as a distinct function of the tense. The Conative 
Present is merely a species of the Progressive Present. A 
verb which of itself suggests effort, when used in a tense 
which implies action in progress, and hence incomplete, natu- 
rally suggests the idea of attempt. All the verb-forms of the 
Present system are equally, with the Present, capable of 
expressing attempted action, since they all denote action in 
progress. J ohn 10 : 32, XiOd^ere, and Gal. 5 : 4, SiKcuovo-fle, illus- 
trate this usage in the Present. Similar is the use of the 
Present in Rom. 2 : 4, dyu, leadeth, i.e. such is its tendency. 

For examples of the Imperfect see 23. Respecting the 
resultative force of such verbs in the Aorist see 42. 

12. The General or Gnomic Present. The Present 
Indicative is used to express customary actions and general 
truths. HA. 824, a; (7.1253,1291. 

Matt. 7 : 17 ; ttolv SeVSpov dyaOov Kap-rrov^ kclXovs 7tol€l, every good tree 
bringeih forth good fruit. 



THE PRESENT INDICATIVE. 



9 



2 Cor. 9:7; IXapov yap Sorrjv ayaird 6 Oeos, for God loveth a cheerful 
giver. 

13. The Aoristic Present. The Present Indicative is 
sometimes used of an action or event coincident in time 
with the act of speaking, and conceived of as a simple 
event. Most frequently the action denoted by the verb 
is identical with the act of speaking itself, or takes place 
in that act. 

Acts 16 : 18 ; wapayyeXXo) trot iv ovo/jloltl 'lrjaov Xpicrrov, / command 
thee in the name of Jesus Christ. See also Mark 2 : 5, d^>tevrai; Acts 
9 : 34, taTat ; 26 : 1, eViTpeVeTai ; Gal. 1:11, yvwpi£<D, and the numer- 
ous instances of Aeyoo in the gospels. 

Kem. This usage is a distinct departure from the prevailing use of 
the Present tense to denote action in progress (cf. 9). There being in the 
Indicative no tense which represents an event as a simple fact without at 
the same time assigning it either to the past or the future, the Present is 
used for those instances (rare as compared with the cases of the Pro- 
gressive Present), in which an action of present time is conceived of 
without reference to its progress. 

14. The Historical Present. The Present Indicative 
is used to describe vividly a past event in the presence of 
which the speaker conceives himself to be. HA. 828 ; 
a. 1252. 

Mark 11 : 27 ; kcll ep^oi/rat ttoXlv els 'lepoaoXvfia, and they come again 
to Jerusalem. See also Luke 8 : 49, ep^erat; John 18 : 28, ayovatv. 
This use is very frequent in the gospels. 

15. The Present for the Future. In a similar way 
the Present Indicative may be used to describe vividly a 
future event. 

Mark 9 : 31 ; 6 vios tov avOpwirov 7rapaS/,'SoTai eis ^eipas dv#poj7rcov, the 
Son of man is delivered into the hands of men. See also Matt. 26 : 18, 
irom ; 27 : 63, eyetpo/xat ; Luke 3 : 9, €KK07rTerat. 



10 



THE TENSES. 



Rem. The term "Present for Future" is sometimes objected to, but 
without good reason. The arguments of Buttmann, pp. 203 f ., and Winer, 
WT. pp. 265 ff. ; WM. pp. 331 ff., are valid only against the theory of an 
arbitrary interchange of tenses. It is indeed not to be supposed that 
Greek writers confused the Present and the Future tenses, or used them 
indiscriminately. But that the form which customarily denoted an act 
in progress at the time of speaking was sometimes, for the sake of vivid- 
ness, used with reference to a fact still in the future, is recognized by all 
grammarians. See, e.g., J. 397 ; K. 382, 5 ; GMT. 32. The whole force 
of the idiom is derived from the unusualness of the tense employed. 

16. The Present form tJkw means I have come (John 2:4; 
4 : 47 ; etc.). Similarly irdpeif.u (I am present) sometimes means 
I have arrived (Acts 17:6; etc.). This, however, is not a 
Present for the Perfect of the same verb, but a Present 
equivalent to the Perfect of another verb. The use of olkovm 
meaning I am informed (cf. similar use of English hear, see, 
learn) is more nearly a proper Present for Perfect (1 Cor. 
11:18; 2 Thess. 3:11). Such use of the Present belongs to 
a very few verbs. HA. 827 ; G. 1256. 

17. The Present of past Action still in Progress. 

The Present Indicative, accompanied by an adverbial 
expression denoting duration and referring to past time, 
is sometimes used in Greek, as in German, to describe 
an action which, beginning in past time, is still in prog- 
ress at the time of speaking. English idiom requires 
the use of the Perfect in such cases. HA. 826 ; G. 1258. 

Acts 15 : 21 ; Marucnys yap ck ycvcwv apxatniv Kara 7rdA.iv tovs Krjpva- 
cnovTas avrov e^et, for Moses from generations of old has had in every 
city them that preached him. See also Luke 13:7, tpxofxoa ; 15:29, 
Sovhevo); John 5:6, ; 2 Tim. 3:15, oiSas. This Present is 
almost always incorrectly rendered in R. V. 

Rem. Cf. Br. 156, "Das Prasens in Verbindung mit irdpos, TrdXai, 
wore wurde seit Homer gebraucht, um eine Handlung auszudriicken, die 
sich durch die Vergangenheit bis zur Zeit des Sprechens hinzieht." In 
the New Testament examples definite expressions of past time occur in 
place of the adverbs irdpos, etc. 



THE PRESENT INDICATIVE. 



11 



18. The Aorist Indicative, limited by an expression mean- 
ing up to this time, may also be used of acts beginning in past 
time and continuing to the time of speaking. Matt. 27 : 8 ; 
28 : 15. Cf. 46, and 52. 

19. Verbs in indirect discourse retain the point of view, as 
respects time, of the original statement ; a Progressive Present 
in indirect discourse accordingly denotes action going on at 
the time, not of the quotation of the words, but of the original 
utterance of them. English usage in indirect discourse is 
different, and from this difference it results that a Greek 
Present Indicative standing in indirect discourse after a verb 
of past time must often be rendered by a verb of past time. 
These cases, however, involve no special use of the Greek 
tense, and should not be confused with those of the Historical 
Present. Cf. 351-356. 

20. Periphrastic Form of the Present. One of the 
clearly marked peculiarities of the Greek of the New Testa- 
ment is the frequency with which periphrastic forms composed 
of a Present or Perfect Participle (Luke 23 : 19 is quite excep- 
tional in its use of the Aorist Participle; cf. Ev. Pet. 23), 
and the Present, Imperfect, or Future Indicative, or the 
Present Subjunctive, Imperative, Infinitive, and even parti- 
ciple, of the verb ei/u (rarely also virdpx^), are used instead 
of the usual simple forms. Cf. 431, and see the full dis- 
cussion with examples in B. pp. 308-313, and the list (not 
quite complete) in S. pp. 131 ff. 

Instances of the periphrastic Present Indicative are, how- 
ever, few. The clear instances belong under the head of the 
General Present. 

Matt. 27 : 33 ; a? roVov Xeyo/mevov ToXyoOd, 6 eortv Kpavcov To-7ros 
Aeyo/xevo?, unto a place called Golgotha, which is called Place of a 
Skull. See also Matt. 1 : 23 ; Mark 5 : 41 ; 2 Cor. 2 : 17 ; 9:12. 



12 



THE TENSES. 



THE IMPEEPECT INDICATIVE. 

21. The Progressive Imperfect. The Imperfect is 
used of action in progress in past time. HA. 829 ; 
G. 1250, 2. 

Mark 12 : 41 ; kol ttoXXol ttXoxktiol e/3a\\ov iroWd, and many that were 

rich were casting in much. 
Luke 1 : 66 ; kol yap x eL p xvpiov rjv p.€T olvtov, for the hand of the Lord 

was with him. 

John 11 : 36 ; t'Se 7r(o? icfrtXei avrov, behold how he loved him. 

22. The statement respecting the translation of the Pro- 
gressive Present (cf. 10), applies to the Imperfect also. 
Notice the third example above, and see also Luke 2 : 51, 
his mother kept [Sierr^ei] all these things in her heart ; in Luke 
24 : 32, A. V., did not our heart burn within us, is better than 
R.V., was not our heart burning within us. Though the verb 
is a periphrastic Imperfect, Kaiofxivrj rjv, the English form 
did burn sufficiently suggests action in progress to render it 
adequately. 

23. The Conative Imperfect. The Progressive Imperfect 
is sometimes used of action attempted, but not accomplished. 
Cf. 11. HA. 832 ; G. 1255. 

Matt. 3:14; 6 Se Sie/cwAuev avrov, but he would have hindered him. 
See also Luke 1 : 59, iKokovv; 15: 16, eSi'Sov; Acts 7:26, crvvqX- 
Aacro-ev; 26 : 11, r)vdyKa£ov. 

24. The Imperfect of Repeated Action. The Imper- 
fect is used of customary or repeated action in past time. 
HA. 830; G. 1253, 2 

Acts 3:2; ov irtOovv Ka6* rj/xtpav 7rpos rr)v Ovpav rov lepov, whom they 
used to lay daily at the gate of the temple. 



THE IMPERFECT INDICATIVE. 



13 



25. For the use of the Imperfect, Aorist, or Pluperfect in 
a condition contrary to fact, or its apodosis, see 248, 249. 

26. The Imperfect and Aorist with av are used in classical 
Greek to denote a customary past action taking place under 
certain circumstances. In the New Testament this usage 
never occurs in principal clauses. The use of the Imperfect 
and Aorist with av in conditional relative clauses is possibly 
a remnant of the usage. Cf. 315. 

27. The Imperfect and Aorist are used in a clause express- 
ing an unattained wish having reference to the present or past. 
The Imperfect denotes action in progress. The Aorist repre- 
sents the action indefinitely as a simple event. Either tense 
may refer to either present or past time. All the New Testa- 
ment instances seem to refer to present time. 

Rev. 3:15; ocpeXov if/vxpos rjs rj £eoTOs, / would that thou wert cold 
or hot. See also 1 Cor. 4 : 8 (Aor.) ; 2 Cor. 11 : 1 (Imperf.). 

Rem. 1. In classical Greek unattainable wishes are expressed by eWe 
or et yap with the Indicative (HA. 871 ; G. 1511) or <Z<pe\ov with the 
Infinitive. In Callimachus, 260 b.c, w<pe\ov is found with the Indicative 
(L. & S., 60et\o> II. 3. Jin.). In the New Testament ei yap (in this 
sense) and etde do not occur, but 6<pe\ov, shortened form of w<f>e\ov, is 
used (as an uninfected particle) with the Imperfect and Aorist Indica- 
tive. WM. p. 377 ; WT. p. 301, n. 2. 

Rem. 2. In Gal. 5 : 12 8<pe\ov is followed by the Future, but the wish 
is probably not conceived of as unattainable. 

28. When an Imperfect refers to an action not separated 
from the time of speaking by a recognized interval, it is 
best translated into English by the Perfect, using preferably 
the progressive form, unless the verb itself suggests action 
in progress. 



14 



THE TENSES. 



1 John 2:7; rjv ci^ere an dpx*? s > which ye have had from the beginning. 
See also Luke 2 : 49 ; Rom. 15 : 22 ; Rev. 3 : 2 (cited by Weymouth 
in Theological Monthly, iv. 42, who also quotes examples from clas- 
sical authors). Cf. 52. 

29. When an action denoted by an Imperfect evidently pre- 
ceded an event already mentioned, such Imperfect is sometimes 
best translated into English by the Pluperfect. From the 
point of view of Greek, however, this, like the preceding 
usage, is an ordinary Progressive Imperfect or Imperfect of 
Repeated Action. Cf. 52. 

Matt. 14:4; cAeyev yap 6 'iooaV^s aural, Ovk c^eoTiv <tol %X eLV a ^ T V v ^ 

for John had been saying to him, It is not lawful for you to have her. 
See also Luke 8 : 27 ; Acts 9 : 39. 

30. The Imperfect of verbs denoting obligation or possi- 
bility, when used to affirm that a certain thing should or 
could have been done, i.e. was required or possible under the 
circumstances related, is a true affirmative Imperfect. It is 
incorrect in this case to speak of an omitted av, since though 
it is frequently the case that the necessary or possible deed 
did not take place, the past necessity or possibility was actual, 
not hypothetical or "contrary to fact." Here belong Matt. 
18:33; 23:23; 25:27; Acts 24:19; 26:32; 27:21; 2 Cor. 
2 : 3, etc. 

The Imperfect is also used of a past necessity or obligation 
when the necessary deed did take place. Here also, of course, 
the Imperfect has its usual force. Luke 13 : 16 ; 24 : 26 ; 
John 4:4; Acts 1 : 16 ; 17 : 3. 

31. Buttmann, pp. 216 f ., 225 f ., describes correctly the class of cases 
in which the past obligation or possibility was actual, but in which the 
required or possible deed did not take place, but wrongly includes in 
his list several passages in which not only the fact but the obligation 
or ability is hypothetical. Such are John 9 : 33 ; 1 Cor. 5 : 10 ; Heb. 9 : 26, 
which are to be explained in accordance with 249. The distinction 



THE IMPERFECT INDICATIVE. 



15 



between these two classes of cases is not always easily marked in English 
translation, since the English forms could, should, etc., are used both 
for actual and for hypothetical obligation or ability. Cf. He could have 
gone, if he had been well, and He could have gone, but did not wish 
to go. 

32. Through a dimming of the distinction between the 
ideas of present and past obligation (which has occurred also 
in English in the case of the word ought), the Imperfect with- 
out av is sometimes used to express a present obligation. The 
Infinitive after such an Imperfect is always in the Present 
tense. In accordance with this usage we are probably to ex- 
plain Acts 22:22; Eph. 5:4; Col. 3:18; cf. Lift, on Col. 
loc. cit. and GMT. 416. 

On these several uses of the Imperfect of verbs of obliga- 
tion, etc., see 6r.MT. 413-423. 

33. The Imperfect of verbs of wishing, without av, is best 
explained as a true Progressive Imperfect, describing a desire 
which the speaker for a time felt, without affirming that he 
actually cherishes it at the time of his present utterance. 
This is especially clear in Philem. 13, 14, where the apostle 
states in one clause what his desire — his personal prefer- 
ence — was (ZfiovXoixrjv), and in the next his actual decision 
(rjOiXrja-a), as over against his preference. The reason for 
describing the desire as past is not always, however, that 
it has been put aside. Failure to realize the desire, or the 
perception that it cannot be realized, or reluctance to express 
a positive and deliberate choice may lead the speaker to use 
the Imperfect rather than the Present. Similarly we some- 
times say in colloquial English, I was wishing that such a 
thing might happen, or even more commonly, / have sometimes 
wished. Nearly the same meaning may be conveyed in Eng- 
lish by the more usual potential form, / should like, I would 



16 



THE TENSES. 



that, or I could wish. In Acts 25 : 22 the use of the Imperfect 
iftovXofjirjv rather than a Present softens the request for polite- 
ness' sake, and may well be rendered I should like. In Gal. 
4 : 20 it is probably the impossibility of realizing the wish 
that leads to the use of the Imperfect, and rjOeXov irapdvat 
may be rendered, I would that I were -present. In Rom. 9 : 3 
■qvypMv ma y nave t» een chosen because the apostle shrank 
from expressing a deliberate choice in regard to so solemn 
a matter, or because he thought of it as beyond the control 
or influence of his wish. I could pray expresses the meaning 
with approximate accuracy. In all these cases, however, what 
is strictly stated in the Greek is merely the past existence of a 
state of desire; the context alone implies what the present 
state of mind is. Cf. GMT. 425. 

34. Periphrastic Form of the Imperfect. Periphras- 
tic Imperfects, formed by adding a Present Participle to the 
Imperfect of the verb ei/w, are frequent in the New Testament, 
especially in the historical books. The large majority of 
these forms denote continued action. 

Mark 10 : 32 ; kcu r)v irpoayayv olvtovs 6 'I^orovs, and Jesus was going 
before them. So also Luke 1 : 10, 22 ; John 13 : 23 ; and probably 
Mark 2 : 18. In a few instances repeated action is referred to, as 
Luke 5 : 16 ; 19 : 47 ; Gal. 1 : 23. Cf. 431. 

THE AOKIST INDICATIVE. 

35. The constant characteristic of the Aorist tense in all 
of its moods, including the participle, is that it represents the 
action denoted by it indefinitely; i.e. simply as an event, 
neither on the one hand picturing it in progress, nor on the 
other affirming the existence of its result. The name indefi- 
nite as thus understood is therefore applicable to the tense in 
all of its uses. 



THE AORIST INDICATIVE. 



17 



As respects the point of view from which the action is 
looked at, however, we may distinguish three functions of the 
tense common to all of its moods. 

First, it may be used to describe an action or event in its 
entirety. This use of the tense, since it is by far the most 
frequent, may be called by pre-eminence the Indefinite Aorist. 
In the Indicative it may be called the Historical Aorist. The 
Aorist of any verb may be used in this sense ; thus dirdv, 
to say ; SiaKovrjaai, to serve. 

Secondly, it may be used to denote the inception of a 
state. The Aorist thus used may be called the Inceptive 
Aorist. It belongs to verbs which in the Present and Imper- 
fect denote the continuance of a state ; thus aiyav, to be silent; 
a-Lyrjaai, to become silent. 

Thirdly, it may be used to denote the success of an effort. 
The Aorist thus used may be called the Eesultative Aorist. 
It belongs to verbs which in the Present and Imperfect denote 
effort or attempt ; thus K(o\veiv, to hinder, obstruct; K^Xvaai, to 
prevent. 

The genetic relation of these three functions of the Aorist 
tense has not been satisfactorily defined. In the Greek, both of 
the classical and the New Testament periods, however, they ap- 
pear side by side as co-ordinate uses. Br. 159; Del. iv., pp. 100 f. 

Rem. Respecting the force of the Indefinite Aorist, compare Brug- 
mann's statement concerning the Aorist forms : " Am haufigsten wurden 
diese Formen so gebraucht, dass man sich die Handlung in einen unge- 
teilten Denkakt ganz und vollstandig, in sich abgeschlossen, absolut vor- 
stellen sollte. Das Factum wurde einfach constatiert ohne Riicksicht 
auf Zeitdauer." Br. 159. 

36. In addition to these uses which belong to the Aorist in 
all its moods, the Aorist Indicative has three uses, instances 
of which are comparatively infrequent. These are the Gnomic 
Aorist, the Epistolary Aorist, and the Dramatic Aorist. 



18 



THE TENSES. 



The Aorist for the Perfect and the Aorist for the Pluper- 
fect are, as explained below (52), not distinct functions of the 
Aorist, but merely special cases of the Historical, Inceptive, 
or Resultative Aorist. 

37. The distinction between the Indefinite, the Inceptive, 
and the Resultative functions of the Aorist is often ignored, 
or its legitimacy denied. It is true that there are cases in 
which it is not possible to decide certainly whether a given 
verb refers to the inception of an action only, or to its entire 
extent, and others in which there is a similar difficulty in 
deciding whether the reference is to the action as a whole or 
to its result only. It is true also that the genetic relation of 
these three uses of the tense is not a matter of entire cer- 
tainty, and that it is possible that, historically speaking, they 
are but varying types of one usage. Especially must it be 
regarded as doubtful whether the Resultative Aorist is any- 
thing else than the Indefinite Aorist of verbs denoting effort. 
The matter of importance to the interpreter, however, is 
that, whatever the genesis of the fact, of the Aorists of the 
New Testament some denote a past act in its undivided 
entirety, others denote merely or chiefly the inception of an 
action, and others still affirm as a past fact the accomplish- 
ment of an act attempted. These distinctions, which from the 
exegetical point of view it is often important to mark, are 
conveniently indicated by the terms indefinite, inceptive, and 
resultative. With reference to the validity of this distinction, 
see Br. 159. 

The Inceptive Aorist is illustrated in Acts 15 : 13, and after 
they had become silent [^era to aiyrjaai'] James ansicered. It 
is evident that the Infinitive must refer to the becoming 
silent, not to the whole period of silence, since in the latter 
case James must have been silent while the others were silent, 



THE AORIST INDICATIVE. 



19 



and have begun to speak when their silence had ended. In 
2 Cor. 8 : 9, we must read riot being rich he was poor, but being 
rich he became poor ; kirT^^vaev is manifestly inceptive. So 
also in Luke 2 : 44, supposing him to be in the company, they 
went a day's journey, it was not the holding of the opinion that 
he was in the company that preceded the day's journey, but 
the forming of it, and the participle vo/xto-avre? is inceptive. 
Contrast Acts 16 : 27. See other examples under 41. 

Illustrations of the resultative sense are less numerous and 
less clear. In Acts 7 : 36, however, this man led them forth, 
having wrought wonders and signs in Egypt and in the Red Sea, 
and in the wilderness forty years, the verb e'^yayev seems to 
refer only to the result, since the signs wrought in the Red 
Sea and the wilderness would otherwise have been represented 
as accompanying the bringing out, and instead of TroLrjo-as we 
should have had 7rotw. See also 42. 1 

38. The Historical Aorist. The Aorist Indicative is 
most frequently used to express a past event viewed in its 
entirety, simply as an event or a single fact. It has no 
reference to the progress of the event, or to any existing 
result of it. HA. 836 ; G. 1250, 5. 

John 1:11; cis to. t'Sia rjXOev, koll ot lSlol avrbv ov irapiXafiov, he came 
unto his own and they that were his own received him not. 

39. Since any past event without reference to its duration 
or complexity may be conceived of as a single fact, the His- 
torical Aorist may be used to describe 

(a) A momentary action. 
Acts 5:5; e^e'i/o^ej/, he gave up the ghost. 

Matt. 8:3; kcu e/cretVa? ttjv x e W a V^ 0 - 1 " 0 a vrov, and having stretched 
forth his hand he touched him. 

1 Cf. Mart. Polyc. 8 : 2, 3, where both iireidov, were persuading, and 
diroTvx^vTes tov ireiaai, failing to persuade, refer to the same event. 



20 



THE TENSES. 



(b) An extended act or state, however prolonged in time, if 
viewed as constituting a single fact without reference to its 
progress. 

Acts 28 : 30 ; ive/xeLvev Se Siertav ok-qv iv toYco ixiaBiofxaTL, and he abode 

two whole years in his own hired dwelling. 
Eph. 2:4; Sia tyjv 7roX\rjv dydir-qv avrov rjv rjyd.7rr)aev 17/u.as, because 

of his great love wherewith he loved us. 

(c) A series or aggregate of acts viewed as constituting a 
single fact. 

Matt. 22 : 28 ; 7rdvre<; yap ta-\ov avrrjv, for they all had her. 
2 Cor. 11 : 25 ; rpU ivavdynaa, thrice I suffered shipiureck. 

40. These three uses of the Historical Aorist may for con- 
venience be designated as the Momentary Aorist, the Compre- 
hensive Aorist, and the Collective Aorist. But it should be 
clearly observed that these terms do not mark distinctions in 
the functions of the tense. An Historical Aorist, whatever the 
nature of the fact affirmed, affirms it simply as a past fact. 
The writer may or may not have in mind that the act was 
single and momentary, or extended, or a series of acts, but the 
tense does not express or suggest the distinction. The pur- 
pose of the subdivision into momentary, comprehensive, and 
collective is not to define the force of the tense-form, but to 
discriminate more precisely the nature of the facts to which 
it is applied as shown by the context or the circumstances. 
Cf. GMT. 56. 

Rem. The term Historical Aorist is applied to the use of the Aorist 
here described only by pre-eminence. In strictness the Inceptive and 
Resultative Aorists are also Historical. Compare what is said concerning 
the term Indefinite under 35. 

41. The Inceptive Aorist. The Aorist of a verb whose 
Present denotes a state or condition, commonly denotes 
the beginning of that state. HA. 841 ; (7. 1260. ' 



THE AORIST INDICATIVE. 



21 



2 Cor. 8:9; St' v/xas e7rrw^ev(7er 7r\ovaio<s ow, though he was rich, for 
your sakes he became poor. See also Luke 15 : 32 ; John 4 : 52 ; 
Acts 7:60; Rom. 14:9. 

Kem. The Aorist of such verbs is not, however, necessarily inceptive. 
The same form may be in one sentence inceptive and in another historical. 
Cf. Luke 9 : 36 with Acts 15 : 12, the verb iaLy-^aa being in the former 
historical, in the latter probably inceptive. 

42. The Resultative Aorist. The Aorist of a verb 
whose Present implies effort or intention, commonly de- 
notes the success of the effort. Cf. 11, 23. Br. 159. 

Acts 27 : 43 

but the centurion . . . prevented them from their purpose. See also 
Matt. 27:20; Acts 7 : 36. 

43. The Gnomic Aorist. The Aorist is used in prov- 
erbs and comparisons where the English commonly uses a 
General Present. #1.840; G. 1292; #.MT. 154-161; 
B. pp. 201 ff. ; WM. pp. 346 f. ; WT. p. 27T ; Br. 160. 

1 Pet. 1 : 24 ; i£r}pdv8r) 6 ^opro?, kcu to avOos iii-n-eaev, the grass wither- 
eth and the flower falleth. See also Luke 7:35; John 15:6; Jas. 
1 : 11, 24. 

Kem. Winer's contention ( WT. p. 277; WM. p. 346) that the 
Gnomic Aorist does not occur in the New Testament does not seem 
defensible. The passages cited above are entirely similar to the classical 
examples of this ancient and well-established idiom. 

44. The Epistolary Aorist. The writer of a letter 
sometimes puts himself in the place of his reader and de- 
scribes as past that which is to himself present, but which 
will be past to his reader. HA. 838. 

Eph. 6 : 22 ; ov c7T€/xi//a 7rpos v/xas €t? avro tovto, whom I send to you for 
this very purpose. See also Acts 23 : 30 ; 1 Cor. 5:11; Phil. 2 : 28 ; 
Col. 4:8; Philem. 11. 



22 



THE TENSES. 



45. The Dramatic Aorist. The Aorist Indicative is 
sometimes used of a state of mind just reached, or of an 
act expressive of it. The effect is to give to the statement 
greater vividness than is given by the more usual Present. 
HA. 842; tf.MT. 60; K. 386, 9; Br. 160. 

Luke 16 : 4; eyvoyv tl -rroLrjcro), I know [lit. / knew, or / perceived] what 
I shall do. 

Eem. This usage is in classical Greek mainly poetical and is found 
chiefly in dialogue. It is sometimes called " Aoristus tragicus." Brug- 
mann thus describes it: " Nicht selten wurde der Aorist von dem 
gebraucht, was soeben eingetreten ist, besonders von einer Stimmung, 
die soeben iiber einen gekommen ist, oder von einem Urteil, das man 
sich soeben gebildet hat." See numerous examples in K. 386, 9. 

46. The Aorist for the (English) Perfect. The Aorist 
is frequently used in Greek where the English idiom requires 
a Perfect. GMT. 58; HA. 837; B. pp. 197, 198. 

Luke 19:9; aypepov crinT-qpia rco oiko) tovto) eyevero, to-day is salvation 
come to this house. 

Matt. 5:21; rjKovo-are. on IppWrj Tot? dpx atot? ' V e have heard that it was 

said to them of old time. 
Phil. 4:11; eya> yap epaOov iv ots dpi avrapK^s etvai, for I have learned 

in whatsoever state 1 am therein to be content. See also under 52. 

47. The Aorist Indicative of a few verbs is used in the New 
Testament to denote a present state, the result of a past act, 
hence with the proper force of a Greek Perfect. Cf. 75, 86. 
So the Aorists awWavov (cf. Mark 5 : 35 with Luke 8 : 49, and 
see John 8 : 52 et al), i&<TT>qv (Mark 3 : 21 ; 2 Cor. 5 : 13), and 
possibly lyvoiv (John 7:26; cf. 1 Mace. 6:13). All these 
Aorists may also be used as simple historical Aorists. 

48. The Aorist for the (English) Pluperfect. The 
Aorist Indicative is frequently used in narrative passages of 
a past event which precedes another past event mentioned 



THE AORIST INDICATIVE. 



23 



or implied in the context. In English it is common in such 
a case to indicate the real order of the events by the use 
of a Pluperfect for the earlier event. Cf. 52, 53. HA. 837; 
GMT. 58; B. pp. 199 f. 

John 19 : 30 ; ore ovv eA.a(3ev to o£os 6 'lrjaovs dirtv, Tere'Aecrrat, when 
therefore Jesus had received the vinegar, he said, It is finished. 

Matt. 14 : 3 ; 6 yap 'HpwS^s Kpar^o-as rov 'lwavnv £$r)(rcv, for Herod 
having laid hold on John had bound him. See also Matt. 27 : 31 ; 
Mark 8 : 14 ; Luke 8 : 27 ; John 12 : 17 ; 13 : 12. 

Rem. It has been much disputed whether airtareiXev in John 18 : 24 
is to be assigned to this head. The valid objection to this is not in any 
inappropriateness of the Aorist tense to express an event antecedent to 
one already mentioned, — the Aorist is the only form that can be used if 
the event is thought of simply as an event (cf. Mey. ad loc, contra), — 
but in the presence of odv, which is, in John especially, so constantly 
continuative, and in the absence of any intimation in the context that 
the events are related out of their chronological order. 

49. From the general principles of indirect discourse in 
English and in Greek it results that an Aorist Indicative in 
indirect discourse after a verb of past time must usually be 
rendered into English by a Pluperfect. Cf. 353. These cases 
form a class entirety distinct from those that are included 
above under the term Aorist for the English Pluperfect. 

50. Both the Aorist and the Perfect are sometimes used 
proleptically, but this is rather a rhetorical figure than a gram- 
matical idiom. WM. pp. 341, 345, 347; WT. pp. 273, 277, 278. 

1 Cor. 7 : 28 ; iav oe kcu ya/xrjar}';, ovx rj^apr^, but even if thou shalt 
marry, thou hast not sinned. See also John 15:8; Jas. 2 : 10. 

51. For the Aorist in a condition contrary to fact, see 248. 
For the Aorist expressing an unattained wish, see 27. 

52. English Equivalents of the Greek Aorist Indic- 
ative. It should be observed that the Aorist for the Perfect 
and the Aorist for -the Pluperfect are not variations from the 



24 



THE TENSES. 



normal use of the Greek Aorist. Viewed strictly from the 
point of view of Greek Grammar, these Aorists are simply 
Historical, Inceptive, or Kesultative Aorists. The necessity for 
mentioning them arises merely from the difference between 
the English and the Greek idiom. 

The Greek Aorist corresponds to the English simple Past 
(or Imperfect or Preterite, loved, heard, etc.) more nearly than 
to any other English tense. But it is not the precise equiva- 
lent of the English Past ; nor is the Greek Perfect the precise 
equivalent of the English Perfect ; nor the Greek Pluperfect 
of the English Pluperfect. This will appear distinctly if we 
place side by side the definitions of the tenses which in gen- 
eral correspond in the two languages. 



The English Perfect is used 
of any past action between 
which and the time of speak- 
ing the speaker does not in- 
tend distinctly to interpose an 
interval. 1 

The English Pluperfect is 
used to mark the fact that the 
event expressed by it preceded 
another past event indicated by 
the context, and this whether 
the earlier event is thought of 
as completed at the time of 
the later event, or only indefi- 
nitely as a simple occurrence 
preceding the later event. 1 



The Greek Perfect is used 
to represent an action as 
standing complete, i.e. as hav- 
ing an existing result, at the 
time of speaking. 

The Greek Pluperfect is 
used to represent an action as 
standing complete, i.e. as hav- 
ing an existing result, at a 
point of past time indicated 
by the context. 



1 The English Perfect and Pluperfect by their auxiliaries have and had 
distinctly suggest completed action in the proper sense, viz. the posses- 
sion of a thing in the condition indicated by the participle, and substan- 



THE AORIST INDICATIVE. 



25 



The English Past is used of 
any past action between which 
and the moment of speaking 
an interval is thought of as 
existing. It affirms nothing 
respecting existing result. 



The Greek Aorist is used of 
any past event which is com 
ceived of simply as an event 
(or as entered upon, or as ac- 
complished), regardless alike 
of the existence or non-exist- 
ence of an interval between 
itself and the moment of 
speaking, and of the question 
whether it precedes or not 
some other past action. It 
affirms nothing respecting ex- 
isting result. 



It is evident from this comparison that the English Perfect 
has a larger range of use than the Greek Perfect. 

tially this is the meaning often conveyed by these tenses. Thus, I have 
learned my lesson, differs but little in meaning from I have my lesson 
learned. But this is by no means the only use which may be made of 
these tenses in modern English. They have, in fact, ceased to be Perfect 
tenses in any proper sense of that word. Compare, e.g., the Pasts and 
Perfects in the following examples : The army arrived. The army has 
arrived. Many men fought for their country. Many men have fought 
for their country. He often visited Borne. He has often visited Borne. 
Only in the first example is existing result suggested by the Perfect tense. 
In each pair the distinguishing mark between the two sentences is that 
while the Perfect tense places the event in the past time without defining 
whether or not an interval has elapsed since the event, the Past tense 
places it in the past time and suggests an interval. 

Similarly, the English Pluperfect affirms only the antecedence of its 
event to the other past event, leaving it to the context or the nature of 
the fact to show whether at the past time referred to there were existing 
results or not. Thus in the sentence, I showed him the ivork which I had 
done, it is implied that the results of the doing remained at the time of 
the showing. But in the sentence, He did not recognize the persons whom 
he had previously seen, it is not implied that any result of the seeing 
remained at the time of the non-recognition. 



•26 



THE TENSES. 



Thus a past event between which and the time of speaking 
no interval is distinctly thought of may be expressed by the 
English Perfect, whether the result of the event is thought of 
as existing or not ; but it can be expressed by the Greek Per- 
fect only in case such result is thought of. So also the Eng- 
lish Pluperfect has a wider range than the Greek Pluperfect. 
For while the Greek can use its Pluperfect for an event 
which preceded another past event only in case the result 
of the earlier event is thought of as existing at the time 
of the later event, the English freely uses its Pluperfect 
for all such doubly past events, without reference to the 
existence of the result of the earlier event at the time of 
the later one. 

On the other hand, the Greek Aorist has a wider range 
than the English Past, since it performs precisely those func- 
tions which the Greek Perfect and Pluperfect refuse, but 
which in modern English are performed not by the Past but 
by the Perfect and Pluperfect. The Greek Aorist, therefore, 
in its ordinary use not only covers the ground of the English 
Past, but overlaps in part upon that of the English Perfect 
and Pluperfect. Hence arise the so-called Aorist for Perfect 
and Aorist for Pluperfect. 

If the attempt be made to define more exactly the extent 
of this overlapping, it will appear that a simple past event 
which is conceived of without reference to an existing result, 
and between which and the time of speaking the speaker does 
not wish distinctly to suggest an interval, — the interval may 
be ever so long, in fact, — will be expressed in Greek by 
the Aorist, because the result is not thought of, and in Eng- 
lish by the Perfect, because the interval is not thought of. 
Cases of this kind arise, e.g., when the event is said to con- 
tinue up to the time of speaking, so that there is actually no 
interval [Matt. 27 : 8 ; Sio iKkijOrj 6 dypos e/ceu/o? 'Ay/oos AT/xaro? 



THE AORIST INDICATIVE. 



27 



ecos rrjs arffjiepov, therefore that field has been called Field of Blood 
until this day. See also Matt. 28 : 15 ; John 16 : 24] ; or when the 
event is so recent as to make the thought of an interval seem 
unnatural [Luke 5:26; et'8a/A€v 7rapaSo£a ay/xcpov, we have seen 
strange things to-day. See also Mark 14 : 41 ; Acts 7 : 52, vvv 
. . . eyeVeo-0e] ; or when the time of the event is entirely 
indefinite [Matt. 19:4; ovk dveyvwre, have ye not read? See 
also Rev. 17 : 12 ; exx. are frequent in the New Testament] ; 
or when the verb refers to a series of events which extends 
approximately or quite to the time of speaking [Matt. 5 : 21 ; 
rjKovaaTe ort ippWrj rot? dpxatow, ye have heard that it was said 
to the ancients; the reference is doubtless to the frequent 
occasions on which they had heard such teachings in the 
synagogue. See also 1 Esdr. 4 : 26, 27]. 

Instances of the Greek Aorist for the English Pluperfect 
arise when a past event which is conceived of simply as an 
event without reference to existing result is mentioned out 
of its chronological order, or is expressed in a subordinate 
clause. The Greek employs the Aorist, leaving the context 
to suggest the order ; the English usually suggests the order 
by the use of a Pluperfect. See exx. under 48. Cf. Beet, The 
Greek Aorist as used in the New Testament, in Expositor, xi. 
191-201, 296-308, 372-385; Weymouth, The Rendering into 
English of the Greek Aorist and Perfect, in Theological 
Monthly, iv. 33-47, 162-180. 

53. In many cases in which the Greek Aorist is used of 
an event antecedent to another past event already referred to, 
English idiom permits a simple Past. A Pluperfect is strictly 
required only when the precedence in time is somewhat promi- 
nent. The Revisers of 1881 have used the Pluperfect spar- 
ingly in such cases. It might better have been used also in 
Matt. 9 : 25 ; Mark 8 : 14 ; John 12 : 18 (had heard). 



28 



THE TENSES. 



54. An Aorist which is equivalent to an English Perfect 
or Pluperfect may be either an historical, or an inceptive, or 
a Resultative Aorist. If historical, it may be either momentary, 
comprehensive, or collective. 

In Luke 15 : 32, eftcrev, and in 1 Cor. 4 : 8, iirXovTrjaare, are inceptive 
Aorists which may be properly rendered by the English Perfect ; probably 
also efiao-LXevaas, in Rev. 11 : 17, should be rendered, thou hast become 
king. 

In Rom. 3 : 23, rmaprov is evidently intended to sum up the aggregate 
of the evil deeds of men, of which the apostle has been speaking in the 
preceding paragraphs (1 : 18 — 3 : 20). It is therefore a collective historical 
Aorist. But since that series of evil deeds extends even to the moment 
of speaking, as is indeed directly affirmed in the irdvres, it is impos- 
sible to think of an interval between the fact stated and this statement 
of it. It must therefore be expressed in English by the Perfect tense, and 
be classed with Matt. 5 : 21 as a collective Aorist for (English) Perfect. 
Of similar force is the same form in Rom. 2 : 12. From the point of view 
from which the apostle is speaking, the sin of each offender is simply a 
past fact, and the sin of all a series or aggregate of facts together consti- 
tuting a past fact. But inasmuch as this series is not separated from the 
time of speaking, we must, as in 3 : 23, employ an English Perfect in 
translation. This is upon the supposition that the verb y/xapTov takes its 
point of view from the time of speaking, and the apostle accordingly 
speaks here only of sin then past, leaving it to be inferred that the same 
principle would apply to subsequent sin. It is possible, however, that 
by a sort of prolepsis yj/xaprov is uttered from the point of view of the 
future judgment \_Kpid-f)<TovTai\, and refers to all sin that will then be past. 
In this case the Future Perfect, shall have sinned, may be used in trans- 
lation, or again the Perfect, common in subordinate clauses in English as 
an abbreviation of the Future Perfect. Whether the same form in Rom. 
5 : 12 shall be rendered in the same way or by the English Past depends 
upon whether it is, like the other cases, a collective Aorist, representing 
a series of acts between which and the time of speaking no interval is 
interposed, or refers to a deed or deeds in the remote past in which the 
"all" in some way participated. So far as the tense-form is concerned 
there is no presumption in favor of one or the other of these inter- 
pretations, both uses of the tense being equally legitimate. The nature 
of the argument or the author's thought, as learned from sources 
outside the sentence itself, must furnish the main evidence by which 
to decide. 



THE AORIST INDICATIVE. 



29 



55. The Aorist evdoKrjaa in Matt. 3:17; 17:5; Mark 1:11; Luke 
3 : 22 ; 2 Pet. 1 : 17, may be explained — (a) as a Historical Aorist having 
reference to a specific event as its basis. / was well pleased with thee, 
e.g. for receiving baptism. If all the instances were in connection with the 
baptism, this would be the most natural explanation. But for those that 
occur in connection with the account of the transfiguration this explana- 
tion fails, and is probably therefore not the true explanation of any of the 
instances. (6) as a comprehensive Historical Aorist covering the period 
of Christ's prelncarnate existence. Cf. John 17 : 5, 24 ; see W. N. Clarke, 
Com. on Mark 1 : 11. If the passages were in the fourth gospel, and 
especially if they contained some such phrase as irpb KarafioXris ko<t/aov, 
this explanation would have much in its favor. The absence of such 
limiting phrase, and the fact that the passages are in the synoptic gospels 
are opposed to this explanation, (c) as a comprehensive Historical Aorist, 
having the force of an English Perfect, and referring to the period of 
Christ's earthly existence up to the time of speaking. But against this 
is the absence of any adverbial phrase meaning up to this time, which 
usually accompanies an Aorist verb used in this sense. Cf. 18 and 52. 
(d) as an Aorist which has by usage come to have the meaning which is 
strictly appropriate to the Perfect, I became well pleased with thee, and 
lam [accordingly] well pleased with thee. Cf. 47. There are a few pas- 
sages of the Septuagint that seem at first sight to favor this explanation. 
See Ps. 101 : 15 ; Jer. 2 : 19 ; Mai. 2 : 17. Cf. also Matt. 12 : 18 ; Luke 12 : 32. 
The force of this evidence is, however, greatly diminished by the fact 
that all these instances are capable of being explained without resort to so 
unusual a use of the Aorist, that both in the Septuagint and in the New 
Testament there is in use a regular Present form of this verb, and that 
the Aorist in the majority of cases clearly denotes past time, (e) as an 
Inceptive Aorist referring to some indefinite, imagined point of past time 
at which God is represented as becoming well pleased with Jesus. But 
since this point is not thought of as definitely fixed, English idiom requires 
a Perfect tense. Cf. 52 (p. 27), 54. It may be described, therefore, as an 
Inceptive Aorist equivalent to an English Perfect, and may be rendered, 
/ have become well pleased. This, however, can only be a vivid way of 
saying, / am well pleased. If then this view is correct, the rendering 
of the English versions is a free but substantially correct paraphrase. 
A true Perfect would affirm the present state of pleasure and imply the 
past becoming pleased. The Aorist affirms the becoming pleased and 
leaves the present pleasure to be suggested. This explanation, therefore, 
differs from the preceding (d) in that it does not suppose the Aorist 
of this verb to have acquired the power of expressing an existing result, 
but judges the existing result to be only suggested by the affirmation 



30 



THE TENSES. 



of the past fact. This is rhetorical figure, on the way to become gram- 
matical idiom, but not yet become such. Manifestly similar is the use 
of irpocebe^aro in Isa. 42 : 1, and of evdoKrja-ev in Matt. 12 : 18. Indeed, if 
Matt. 12 : 18 represents a current translation of Isa. 42 : 1, our present 
passages were probably affected in form by this current rendering of the 
Isaiah passage. Similar also are eKadivav in Matt. 23 : 2, and i\xa.dav in 
Phil. 4:11. In neither case is there any clearly established usage of the 
Aorist for Greek Perfect ; in neither is there apparent any reference 
to a definite point of past time ; in both the real fact intended to be 
suggested is the present state. 

56. The Distinction between the Aorist and the 
Imperfect. The difference between an Historical Aorist 
and an Imperfect of action in progress or repeated being one 
not of the nature of the fact but of the speaker's conception 
of the fact, it is evident that the same fact may be expressed 
by either tense or by both. This is illustrated in Mark 12 : 41 
and 44, where, with strict appropriateness in both cases, Mark 
writes in v. 41, -noXkoi ttXovvioi IftoXkov 7roAAa, and in v. 44 
records Jesus as stating the same fact in the words 77-avTes . . . 
ZfiaXov. The former describes the scene in progress, the latter 
merely states the fact. 

57. From the nature of the distinction between the Imper- 
fect and Aorist, it also results that the difference in thought 
represented by the choice of one form rather than the other 
is sometimes almost imperceptible. Cf., e.g., Mark 3 : 7 and 
5 : 24 ; Luke 2 : 18 and 4 : 22. Some verbs use one of the two 
tenses almost or quite to the exclusion of the other. The 
form eXeyov is used in classical Greek without emphasis on 
the thought of the saying as in progress or repeated, and in the 
New Testament the Aorist of this verb does not occur. A dis- 
tinction between the Imperfect lAeyov and the Aorist zIttov is 
scarcely to be drawn in the New Testament. Cf. G.M.T. 56, 
57, especially the following: "In all these cases the funda- 
mental distinction of the tenses, which was inherent in the 



THE FUTUEE INDICATIVE. 



31 



form, remained ; only it happened that either of the two dis- 
tinct forms expressed the meaning which was here needed 
equally well. It must not be thought, from these occasional 
examples, that the G-reeks of any period were not fully alive 
to the distinction of the two tenses and could not use it with 
skill and nicety." 

This approximation of the Aorist and Imperfect, it should 
be noted, occurs only in the case of the Historical Aorist (38). 
The Inceptive and Eesultative Aorists are clearly distinguished 
in force from the Imperfect. 

THE TUTUKE INDICATIVE. 

58. The Predictive Future. The Future Indicative is 
most frequently used to affirm that an action is to take 
place in future time. Since it does not mark the distinc- 
tion between action in progress and action conceived of 
indefinitely without reference to its progress, it may be 
either aoristic or progressive. HA. 843 ; 6r. 1250, 6 ; 
GMT. 63, 65 ; Br. 163. 

59. The Aoristic Future conceives of an action simply 
as an event, and affirms that it will take place in future time. 
It may be indefinite, inceptive, or resultative. As indefinite 
it may be momentary, comprehensive, or collective. Cf. 35, 39. 

1 Cor. 15:51, 52; 7rai/T£? ov KoifirjOrjo-OficOa., 7ravres Se aWayrja-o/xeOa, 
kv aTOfxo), iv pt-Trrj d<p6a\p.ov, we shall not all sleep [indefinite com- 
prehensive] ; or, we shall not all fall asleep [inceptive], but we shall 
all be changed, in a moment, in the twinkling of an eye [indefinite 
momentary]. 

John 14 : 26 ; ckcivos vp-as SiSa^ei iravra kclI v7rofxvrj(TeL vfxa<; Travra a 
et7rov vpuv eycij, he will teach you all things and bring to your remem- 
brance all things that I said unto you [indefinite collective]. 

Luke 1 : 33 ; kou /SacnAevo-a i-rrl rov olkov 'Ia/<a>/3 et? tovs aiaiva?, and he 
shall reign over the house of Jacob forever [indefinite comprehensive]. 

Luke 16 : 31 ; ovS' lav rt? i< vtKpwv avaarrj 7reLcr0rjaovraL, neither will 
they be persuaded if one rise from the dead [resultative]. 



32 



THE TENSES. 



60. The Progressive Future affirms that an action will 
be in progress in future time. HA. 843 ; G. 1250, 6. 

Phil. 1 : 18; koli iv tovtio x^P 03 ' oXko. kol ^a/o^cro/xat, and therein I 
rejoice, yea, and will [continue to] rejoice. See also Rom. 6:2; 
Phil. 1:6; Rev. 9 : 6. 

61. It may be doubted whether any of the distinctions indi- 
cated by the subdivisions of the Predictive Future are justi- 
fied from the point of view of pure grammar. It is probable, 
rather, that the tense in all these cases makes precisely the 
same affirmation respecting the event, viz. that it ivill take 
place; and that it is the context only that conveys the dis- 
tinctions referred to. These distinctions, however, are real 
distinctions either of fact or of thought, and such, moreover, 
that the writer must in most cases have had them in mind 
when speaking of the facts. From the exegetical point of 
view, therefore, the distinctions are both justified and neces- 
sary, since they represent differences of thought in the mind 
of the writer to be interpreted. The terms employed above 
are convenient terms to represent these distinctions of thought, 
and it is to the interpreter a matter of secondary importance 
whether the distinction in question is by his writer immedi- 
ately connected with the tense of the verb. 

62. Since the Aoristic Future is less definite respecting 
progress than the Progressive Future, the latter predicting 
the act as continuing, the former making no assertion, it is 
evident that any instance of the Predictive Future not clearly 
progressive must be accounted as aoristic. If the writer did 
not conceive the act or event as continuing, he left it in his 
own mind and for the reader undefined as respects progress, 
hence aoristic. Whether he left it thus undefined in his mind 
must of course be determined, if at all, from the context, there 
being no difference of form between a Progressive and an 



THE FUTURE INDICATIVE. 



33 



Aoristic Future. It should be noticed that it is not enough 
to show that an act will be in fact continued, in order to count 
the verb which predicts it a Progressive Future ; it must ap- 
pear that the writer thought of it as continuing. Every 
Future form is therefore by presumption aoristic. It can 
be accounted progressive only on evidence that the writer 
thought of the act as continued. 

Rem. There is one exception to this principle. In verbs of effort a 
Progressive Future is naturally like other Progressive forms, a conative 
tense. An Aoristic Future of such a verb is like the Aorist, a resultative 
tense. Since the latter is the larger meaning, the context must give the 
evidence of this larger meaning, and such evidence failing, it cannot be 
considered established that the verb is resultative. The verb in John 12 : 
32 furnishes an interesting and important illustration. Since the verb 
denotes effort, the Future will naturally be accounted conative if it is 
judged to be progressive, and resultative if it is taken as aoristic. In the 
latter case the meaning will be, I will by my attraction bring all men to 
me. In the former case the words will mean, I will exert on all men an 
attractive influence. 

63. To decide whether a given Aoristic Future merely pre- 
dicts the fact, or refers to the inception of the action, or has 
reference to it as a thing accomplished, must again be deter- 
mined by the context or the meaning of the word. The dis- 
tinction between the indefinite and the resultative senses will 
often be very difficult to make, and indeed the difference 
of thought will be but slight. Here also it results from the 
nature of the distinction between the indefinite use and the 
other two, inceptive and resultative, that any instance of 
the Aoristic Future not clearly inceptive or resultative must 
be accounted indefinite. In other words, if the writer did not 
define the action to his own mind as inceptive or resultative, 
he left it indefinite, a mere fact. 

64. The distinction between momentary, comprehensive, 
and collective is in respect to the Future tense, as in respect 



34 



THE TENSES. 



to the Aorist, a distinction which primarily has reference to 
the facts referred to and only secondarily to the writer's con- 
ception of the facts. There may easily occur instances which 
will defy classification at this point. A writer may predict 
an event not only without at the moment thinking whether 
it is to be a single deed or a series of deeds, a momentary or 
an extended action, but even without knowing. Thus the 
sentence, He will destroy his enemies, may be uttered by one 
who has confidence that the person referred to will in some 
way destroy his enemies, without at all knowing whether he 
will destroy them one by one, or all at once, and whether by 
some long-continued process, or by one exterminating blow. 
In such cases the verb can only be accounted as an Aoristic 
Future, incapable of further classification. 

65. From a different point of view from that of the above 
classification, the instances of the Predictive Future might be 
classified as (a) assertive, and (b) promissory. The distinc- 
tion between the assertion that an event will take place and 
the promise that it shall take place is difficult to make, 
requiring delicate discrimination, but is often important for 
purposes of interpretation. It is in general not indicated in 
Greek, and its representation in English is complicated by the 
varied uses of the auxiliary verbs shall and ivill. In general 
it may be said that in principal clauses shall is in the first 
person simply assertive, will is promissory ; in the second and 
third person will is assertive, shall is promissory, imperative, 
or solemnly predictive. 

E.V. employs sJiall almost constantly in the second and 
third person, in most cases probably intending it as solemnly 
predictive. 

Matt. 10 : 42 ; d/x-^v Xeyco vfxlv, ov /jlyj airoXccrYj rov /xicr#ov avrov, verily 
I say unto you, he shall by no means lose his reward. 



THE FUTURE INDICATIVE. 



35 



Mark 11 : 31 ; iav dirw^v 'E£ ovpavov, epei, if we say, From heaven, Tie 
will say. 

Luke 22 : 61 ; Hp\v SXiKTopa <f)0JvrjcraL o-rj/Atpov aTrapyrjcr-n /xe rpis, before 
the cock crow this day, thou shalt deny me thrice. See also Matt. 11 : 
28, 29 ; 12 : 31 ; John 16 : 7, 13. 

66. A Predictive Future is sometimes made emphatically 
negative by the use of the negative ov firj, Matt. 16 : 22 ; 26 : 
35; Mark 14: 31 ( Tisch. Subjunctive); cf. 172. 

67. The Imperative Future. The second person of the 
Future Indicative is often used as an Imperative. HA. 844 ; 
a. 1265. 

Jas. 2:8; ayairrjo-as rbv TrXrjatov aov w$ aeavrov, thou shalt love thy 
neighbor as thyself. 

Rem. 1. This idiom as it occurs in the New Testament shows clearly 
the influence of the Septuagint. It occurs most frequently in prohibi- 
tions, its negative being, as also commonly in classical Greek, not fi-f) but 
ov. GMT. 69, 70 ; B. p. 257 ; WM. pp. 396 f. ; WT. pp. 315 f. 

Rem. 2. In Matt. 15:6 the verb n^o-et has the negative ov fx-q. Some 
interpreters take this as a Predictive Future, but the thought requires the 
Imperative sense, and in view of the frequent use of ov nrf with the Future 
in an imperative sense in the Septuagint, and its occasional use in classi- 
cal Greek, the possibility of it can hardly be denied. WM. p. 636 f., n. 4 ; 
Cr.MT. 297. 

68. One or two probable instances of the Imperative Future 
in the third person occur, though perhaps no entirely certain 
case. Matt. 4 : 4, ovk Itt dprio fxovco t^a-erai 6 avOpoynos, is prob- 
ably to be so regarded, though the Hebrew of the passage 
quoted (Deut. 8:3) is apparently Gnomic rather than Imper- 
ative. On Matt. 15 : 6, see 67, Rem. 2. See also Matt. 20 : 
26, 27. 



36 



THE TENSES. 



69. The Gnomic Future. The Future Indicative may 
be used to state what will customarily happen when occa- 
sion offers. 

Rom. 5:7; /xoAis yap vir\p Sikcllov rig diroOavuTaL, for scarcely for a 
righteous man will one die. See also Gen. 44 : 15 ; Rom. 7 : 3, ^p^/xa- 
Ti<xa. Observe the Gnomic Presents both before and after. 

70. The Deliberative Future. The Future Indicative 
is sometimes used in questions of deliberation, asking not 
what will happen, but what can or ought to be done. 
Such questions may be real questions asking information, 
or rhetorical questions taking the place of a direct asser- 
tion. Cf. 169. 

Luke 22 : 49 ; d iraTa^optv iv paxo-tprj, shall we smite with the sword ? 
John 6 : 68 ; Kvpie, 7rpos riva. direXcvo-opieOa, Lord, to whom shall we go f 

71. Periphrastic Form of the Future. A Future tense 
composed of a Present Participle and the Future of the verb 
dfU is found occasionally in the New Testament. The force 
is that of a Progressive Future, with the thought of continu- 
ance or customariness somewhat emphasized. 

Luke 5 : 10 ; av6p<jmov<; ear] ^wypwv, thou shalt catch men, i.e. shalt be a 
catcher of men. 

Luke 21: 24; 'lepovcraXrjp, Icrrai 7ra.T0vp.tvn, Jerusalem shall [continue 
to~\ be trodden underfoot. 

72. MeAXw with the Infinitive is also used with a force 
akin to that of the Future Indicative. It is usually employed 
of an action which one intends to do, or of that which is 
certain, destined to take place. 

Matt. 2:13; peXXei yap 'Hpw8r)<; ^7]tclv to TraiSiOv tov curoAe'crai avTO, 

for Herod will seek the young child to destroy it. 
Luke 9 : 44 ; 6 yap vi6s tov dvOpiorrov /xe'AAei 7rapaBiBoa6aL as x a '/° as 
twv dv0p(i)7r(Dv, for the Son of man is to be delivered up into the hands of 
men. See also Matt. 16 : 27 ; 20 : 22 ; Acts 5:35; 20 : 38 ; Rom. 8 : 13. 



THE PERFECT INDICATIVE. 



37 



73. By the use of the Imperfect of fxikXo) with the Infinitive 
it is affirmed that at a past point of time an action was about 
to take place or was intended or destined to occur. 

John 7 : 39 ; tovto Sk direv Trept tov Trvevp-aTos ov tfxeWov Xap.fSa.veLv ol 
TTKTTevaavTes eis avTov, but this spake he of the Spirit which they 
that believed on him were to receive. See also Luke 7:2; John 6 : 71. 

THE PERFECT INDICATIVE. 

74. The Perfect of Completed Action. In its most 
frequent use the Perfect Indicative represents an action as 
standing at the time of speaking complete. The reference 
of the tense is thus double ; it implies a past action and 
affirms an existing result. HA. 847 ; 6r. 1250, 3. 

Acts 5 : 28 ; 7r£7rXr)pa)KaT€ rrjv 'lepovaaXrjp: ttJs SiSa^? vfxwv, ye have 

filled Jerusalem ivith your teaching. 
Romans 5:5; on rj aya-nt) tov Oeov iKKtyyTai iv reus Kap&Cais r}p.u)v, 

because the love of God has been poured forth in our hearts. 
2 Tim. 4:7; tov KaXov ay (ova rjyuyvio-fxaL, tov Spofxov TereAe/ca, rrjv 

ttLo-tlv T€Typt]Ka, I have fought the good fight, I have finished the 

course, I have kept the faith. 

Rem. On the use of the term complete as a grammatical term, see 
85. On the distinction between the Perfect and the Aorist, see 86. 

75. The Perfect of Existing State. The Perfect is 
sometimes used when the attention is directed wholly to 
the present resulting state, the past action of which it is 
the result being left out of thought. This usage occurs 
most frequently in a few verbs which use the Perfect in 
this sense only. HA. 849 ; Q. 1263. 

Matt. 27 : 43 ; ireTToiOev tin tov 6eov, he trusteth on God. 

1 Cor. 11 : 2 ; e7rcuva> 8e lu/xa?, otl iravTa /xov p.ip.vno-$c, now I praise you 

that ye remember me in all things. 
Luke 24 : 46 ; ovrw? ykypairTai, thus it is written, i.e. stands written. 

See also Rev. 19 : 13. 



38 



THE TENSES. 



76. There is no sharp line of distinction between the Perfect 
of Completed Action and the Perfect of Existing State. To 
the latter head are to be assigned those instances in which the 
past act is practically dropped from thought, and the attention 
turned wholly to the existing result ; while under the former 
head are to be placed those instances in which it is evident 
that the writer had in mind both the past act and the present 
result. 

77. The Intensive Perfect. The Perfect is sometimes 
used in classical Greek as an emphatic or intensive Present. 
It is possible that under this head should be placed certain 
Perfects of the New Testament more commonly assigned to 
one of the preceding uses. Thus irk-KoiQa practically expresses 
the thought of 7ret0o/Aai intensified. IleTTiVrevKa is also clearly 
a stronger way of saying ttlo-tzvoj. John 6 : 69 ; ireina-TevKa^v 
Kal iyvuiKafxev ort crv et 6 ayio? rov 6eov, we have believed and know 
that thou art the Holy One of God. See also 2 Cor. 1 : 10. 
Whether this usage is in the New Testament a survival of the 
ancient intensive use of the Perfect, regarded by some gram- 
marians as an original function of the tense (Del. iv. 94 ff., 
Br. 162), or a later development from the Perfect of com- 
pleted action, affirming the present existence of the result of 
a past act, need not, for the purpose of the interpreter, be 
decided. 

78. Of the Historical Perfect in the sense of a Perfect 
which expresses a past completed action, the' result of which 
the speaker conceives himself to be witnessing (as in the case 
of the Historical Present he conceives himself to be witness- 
ing the action itself), there is no certain New Testament 
instance. Possible instances are Matt. 13 : 46 ; Luke 9 : 36 ; 
2 Cor. 12 : 17 ; Jas. 1 : 24. Cf. Br. 162. This idiom is perhaps 
rather rhetorical than strictly grammatical. 



THE PERFECT INDICATIVE. 



39 



KeKpayev in John 1 : 15 is a Perfect expressing a past fact 
vividly conceived of as if present to the speaker. But since 
the Perfect of the verb had already in classical Greek come to 
be recognized as functionally a Present, it is from the point 
of view of the current usage a Historical Present rather than 
a Historical Perfect. Cf. L. and S. s.v. 

79. The Perfect in 1 Cor. 7 : 39, 848eTai, and in 1 John 2 : 5, rereXeta- 
tcu, is probably Gnomic, referring to a state that is wont to exist. If 
dweX^Xvdev in Jas. 1 : 24 is Gnomic, it is with nearly the force of a Gnomic 
Present or Aorist. 6r.MT. 154, 155. 

80. The Aoristic Perfect. The Perfect Indicative is 
sometimes used in the New Testament of a simple past fact 
where it is scarcely possible to suppose that the thought of 
existing result was in the writer's mind. See more fully 
under 88. 

2 Cor. 2 : 13 ; ovk co^ko, aveacv ro> 7rv€v/xaTc fxov tw fxr) evpetv /xe Tltov, 

I had no relief for my spirit because I found not Titus. 
Rev. 8:5; kol d\n<$>cv 6 ayyeAos rbv Xi/3avcorov, kcu iye/jacrev avrov, and 
the angel took the censer, and filed it. See also Matt. 25 : 6 ; 2 Cor. 
1:9; 7:5; 11:25; Heb. 11:28; Rev.7:14; 19:3. 

81. The Perfect Indicative in indirect discourse after a 
verb of past time is regularly rendered into English by a 
Pluperfect. This involves, however, no special use of the 
tense, but results from the regular difference between English 
and Greek in the matter of indirect discourse. Cf. 353. 

82. When the Perfect Indicative is used of a past event 
which is by reason of the context necessarily thought of as 
separated from the moment of speaking by an interval, it is 
impossible to render it into English adequately. English 
idiom forbids the use of the Perfect because of the interval 
(present in thought as well as existing in fact) between the 
act and the time of speaking, while the English Past tense 



40 



THE TENSES. 



fails to express the idea of existing result which the Greek 
Perfect conveys. In most of these cases R.V. has attempted 
to preserve the sense of the Greek at the expense of the Eng- 
lish idiom. 

Acts 7 : 35 ; tovtov 6 #eos kou apxovra /cat XvTpwrrjv airtaTakKtv avv 
X eL P L ayyeXov tov 6<f>6evTO<; aural iv rrj (Sdrw, him did God send 
[R.V. hath God senQ to be both a ruler and a deliverer with the hand 
of the angel which appeared to him in the bush. See also instances 
cited by Weymouth in Theological Monthly, iv. 168 f. ; Rom. 16 : 7, 
who also were [yeyovav, R.V. have been~] in Christ before me ; John 
6 : 25, R.V. correctly, when earnest [yeyovas] thou here ? Heb. 7 : 
6, 9 ; 8 : 5. 

These cases should not be confused with those treated under 
80. Here the Greek tense has its normal force, though it can- 
not be well rendered by its usual English equivalent. There 
the use of the Greek tense is somewhat abnormal. 

83. For the Perfect used proleptically, see 50. 

84. Periphrastic Form of the Perfect. Periphrastic 
Perfects, formed by adding a Perfect Participle to the 
Present of the verb ei/u, are frequent in the New Testament, 
about forty instances occurring. In function these forms 
more frequently denote existing state, though clear instances 
of the Perfect denoting completed action occur. The former 
use is illustrated in Luke 20 : 6 ; John 2 : 17 ; Acts 2 : 13 ; 
25 : 10 ; 2 Cor. 4 : 3, etc. ; the latter in Luke 23 : 15 ; Acts 
26 : 26 ; Heb. 4 : 2, etc. Cf. 431. 

85. It is important to observe that the term "complete" 
or " completed " as a grammatical term does not mean ended, 
but accomplished, i.e. brought to its appropriate result, ivhich 
result remains at the time denoted by the verb. " The Perfect, 
although it implies the performance of the action in past time, 
yet states only that it stands completed at the present time." 



THE PERFECT INDICATIVE. 



41 



(r.MT. 44. "Das Perf. hatte zwei altuberkommene Funktio- 
nen. Einerseits hatte es intensiven, beziehentlich iterativen 
Sinn. . . . Anderseits bezeichnete es die Handlung im Zustand 
des Vollendet- und Fertigseins." Br. 162. 

An action which has ceased may be expressed in Greek by 
the Aorist or the Imperfect qnite as well as by the Perfect, 
provided only the action is thought of apart from any existing 
result of it. These tenses are indeed more frequently used 
of actions which are complete in the sense of having come to 
an end than is the Perfect. See, e.g., Gal. 4:8; rore pxv . . . 
iSovXevaare rots <£uW fxrj oven Scots, at that time . . . ye were in 
bondage to them which by nature are no gods; and 2 Cor. 7, 8; 
ov fxerafxeXofxaL ' d koX fxeTe/xeXo/xrjv, I do not regret it, although 
I did regret [was regretting'] it. The Perfect, on the other 
hand, affirms the existence of the normal result of the action, 
and this even though the action itself is still in progress. 
See, e.g., the Perfect TerrjpnKa, in 2 Tim. 4 : 7, quoted under 74. 

86. Since the Aorist and the Perfect both involve reference 
to a past event, the Perfect affirming the existence of the 
result of the event, and the Aorist affirming the event itself, 
without either affirming or denying the existence of the result, 
it is evident that whenever the result of the past action does 
still exist, either tense may be used, according as the writer 
wishes either to affirm the result or merely the event. In 
many cases the reason of the choice of one tense rather than 
the other is very evident and the distinction clearly marked, 
even when in accordance with the principle of 82 both tenses 
must be translated by an English Past. See, e.g., 1 Cor. 15 : 4 ; 

otl ird(f)r), Kal on iy-qyeprai rrj r/fJicpa rrj TpiTT], that he was buried, 
and that he was raised on the third day. The burial is simply 
a past event. Of the resurrection there is an existing result, 
prominently before the mind. 



42 



THE TENSES. 



But there are naturally other cases in which, though each 
tense retains its own proper force, the two approximate very 
closely, and are used side by side of what seem to be quite 
coordinate facts. Instances of this approximation of the two 
tenses are especially frequent in the writings of John. See 
John 5 : 36, 38 5 1 John 1:1; 4:9, 10 ; cf . also Acts 6 : 11 
and 15 : 24. 

87. It might be supposed that the Eesultative Aorist would 
be especially near in force to the Perfect. The distinction is, 
however, clearly marked. The Eesultative Aorist affirms that 
an action attempted in past time was accomplished, saying 
nothing about the present result. The Perfect, on the other 
hand, belongs to all classes of verbs, not merely to those that 
imply attempt, and affirms the existence of the result of the 
past action, the occurrence of which it implies. 

88. It should be observed that the aoristic use of the Per- 
fect (80) is a distinct departure from the strict and proper 
sense of the tense in Greek. The beginnings of this departure 
are to be seen in classical Greek (Cr.MT. 46), and in Greek 
writers of a time later than the New Testament the tendency 
was still further developed, until the sense of difference between 
the tenses was lost. 

Meantime there grew up a new form of the Perfect, made 
as is the English Perfect, of an auxiliary denoting possession 
(in Greek tx^, as in English have) and a participle. This 
periphrastic Perfect, traces of which appear even in classical 
times (Cr.MT. 47), at length entirely displaced the simple 
Perfect for the expression of completed action, and the process 
by which the Perfect had become an Aorist in meaning and 
been succeeded in office as a Perfect tense by another form 
was complete. See Jebb inVincent and Dickson, Modern Greek, 
pp. 326-330. In the New Testament we see the earlier stages 



THE PEEFECT INDICATIVE. 



43 



of this process. The Perfect is still, with very few exceptions, 
a true Perfect, but it has begun to be an Aorist. In Latin this 
process was already complete so far as the assimilation of the 
Perfect and the Aorist was concerned; the new Perfect had 
not yet appeared. In modern English we see the process at a 
point midway between that represented by the Greek of the 
New Testament and that which appears in the Latin of about 
the same time. Modern German represents about the same 
stage as modern English, but a little further advanced. 

It should be borne in mind that in determining whether a 
given Perfect form is a true Perfect in sense or not, the 
proper English translation is no certain criterion, since the 
functions of the Perfect tense in the two languages differ so 
widely. Cf. 52. The Perfect ireiroi^Ka in 2 Cor. 11 : 25 seems 
evidently aoristic ; that it " goes quite naturally into Eng- 
lish" (S. p. 104) does not at all show that it has the usual 
force of a Greek Perfect. Many Aorists even go quite natu- 
rally and correctly into English Perfects. Cf. 46. The Per- 
fects in Luke 9 : 36 ; 2 Cor. 12 : 17 ; Heb. 7 : 13 (irpwrcoxqw) 5 
9 : 18 : 11 : 28 ; Rev. 3:3; 5 : 7 are probably also Aoristic 
Perfects, though it is possible that in all these cases the 
thought of an existing result is more or less clearly in mind 
and gives occasion to the use of the Perfect tense. The 
Perfect irejrpaKev in Matt. 13 : 46 must be either aoristic or 
historical, probably the former (see Sophocles, Glossary, etc., 
82, 4). The evidence seems to show clearly that Matthew 
regularly used ye'yova in the sense of an Aorist ; some of the 
instances cannot, without violence, be otherwise explained, and 
all are naturally so explained. Mark's use of the word is pos- 
sibly the same, but the evidence is not decisive. All other 
writers of the New Testament use the form as a true Perfect. 

Still other cases should perhaps be explained as Aoristic 
Perfects, but for the reasons mentioned in 86 it is impossible 



44 



THE TENSES. 



to decide with certainty. While there is clear evidence that 
the Perfect tense was in the New Testament sometimes an 
Aorist in force, yet it is to be observed that the New Testa- 
ment writers had perfect command of the distinction between 
the Aorist and the Perfect. The instances of the Perfect in 
the sense of the Aorist are confined almost entirely to a few 
forms, ld^y]Ka, €i\r}4>a, eiopaxa, eiprjKa, and yiyova, and the use of 
each of these forms in the sense of an Aorist mainly to one 
or more writers whose use of it is apparently almost a per- 
sonal idios}aicrasy. Thus the aoristic use of yiyovx belongs 
to Matt. ; of cl\.r]4>a to John in Rev. ; of lo-^Ka to Paul ; but 
see also Heb. 7 : 13. The idiom is therefore confined within 
narrow limits in the New Testament. Cf. Ev. Pet. 23, 31. 

2 Cor. 12 : 9 and 1 John 1 : 10 are probably true Perfects of 
Completed Action, the latter case being explained by v. 8. 
John 1 : 18 ; 5 : 37 ; 8 : 33 ; and Heb. 10 : 9 also probably con- 
vey the thought of existing result, though the use of an adverb 
of past time serves to give more prominence to the past action 
than is usually given by a Perfect tense. 

THE PLUPERFECT. 

89. The Pluperfect of Completed Action. The Plu- 
perfect is used of an action which was complete at a point 
of past time implied in the context. HA. 847 ; 6r. 1250, 4. 

Acts 9:21; /cat cJSc eis tovto iXyXvOei, and he had come hither for this 
intent. 

John 9:22; rj&y} yap avvereOavro oi 'IouSaioi, for the Jews had agreed 
already. See also Luke 8:2; Acts 7 : 44 ; 19 : 32. 

90. The Pluperfect of Existing State. Verbs which 
in the Perfect denote a present state, in the Pluperfect 
denote a past state. HA. 849, c ; 6r. 1263. 



THE PLUPERFECT. 



45 



Luke 4 : 41 ; rjSaaav rov Xpiorov avrov elvai, they knew that he was the 
Christ. See also John 18 : 16, 18 ; Acts 1 : 10. 

91. Periphrastic Form of the Pluperfect. A peri- 
phrastic Pluperfect formed by adding the Perfect Participle 
to the Imperfect of the verb eifxt is somewhat frequent in the 
New Testament. In classical Greek this was already the only 
form in the third person plural of liquid and mute verbs, and 
an occasional form elsewhere. In the New Testament these 
periphrastic forms are frequently, but not at all uniformly, 
Pluperfects of existing state ; about one-third of the whole 
number of instances belong to the class of Pluperfects denot- 
ing completed action, referring to the past act as well as the 
existing result. Cf. GMT. 45. 

Matt. 26 : 43 ; rjcrav yap avrwv oi 6<f>0aXfJLol fiefiapYj/xevoi, for their eyes 

were heavy, lit. weighed down. 
Luke 2 : 26 ; koX qv avrio Ke-^p-qixaTia-fxivov vtrb rov 7rvevfxaTO<; rov aytov, 

and it had been revealed to him by the Holy Spirit. 

92. The ambiguity of the English sometimes renders it 
impossible to distinguish in translation between a Pluperfect 
of Existing State and an Historical Aorist. Thus in Acts 4 : 27 
and 31 we must in both cases read were gathered, though the 
verb in the former case is an Aorist and refers to an act, and 
in the latter a Perfect and refers to a state. Cf. also the two 
verbs in Luke 15 : 24. 

93. The simple Future Perfect does not occur in the New 
Testament. Respecting Luke 19 : 40, see B. p. 61 ; and the 
lexicons s.v. 

94. A periphrastic Future Perfect, expressing a future 
state, occurs in Matt. 16:19; 18:18; Luke 12: 52; Heb. 
2:13. 



46 



THE TENSES. 



TENSES OF THE DEPENDENT MOODS. 

95. The tenses of the dependent moods have in general no 
reference to time, but characterize the action of the verb in 
respect to its progress only, representing it as in progress, 
or completed, or indefinitely, simply as an event. HA. 851 ; 
G. 1272, 1273; GMT. 85. 

96. The Present of the Dependent Moods is used to 
represent an action as in progress or as repeated. It may 
be altogether timeless, the action being thought of without 
reference to the time of its occurrence ; or its time, as 
past, present, or future, may be involved in the function 
of the mood, or may be indicated by the context. 

Phil. 3:1; to. avra ypa<f>eiv vfxiv ifxol pxv ovk oKvrjpov, to be writing the 

same things to you, to me indeed is not irksome. 
Matt. 5 : 23 ; iav ovv 7rpoo~<t>epr)<; to SoopdV crov im to OvaiacrTypLov, if 

therefore thou shalt be offering thy gift at the altar. 
Mark 12 : 33 

eonv TravToiv t<ov 6X.oKavTO)p.a.T(x)v Kail dvcioiv, and to love him with 
all the heart . . . is much more than all whole burnt offerings and 
sacrifices. 

97. Periphrastic Form of the Presext. A periphras- 
tic Present Infinitive, formed by adding a Present Participle 
to the Present Infinitive of ei/w, and a periphrastic Present 
Imperative, formed by adding a Present Participle to the 
Present Imperative of et/xi, occur rarely in the New Testament. 
Luke 9 : 18 ; 11 : 1 ; Matt. 5 : 25 ; Luke 19 : 17. Cf . 20, and 
431. 

98. The Aorist of the Dependent Moods represents 
the action expressed by the verb as a simple event or fact, 



OF THE DEPENDENT MOODS. 



47 



without reference either to its progress or to the existence 
of its result. As in the Indicative the verb may be indefi- 
nite, inceptive or resultative (cf. 35), and when indefinite 
may refer to a momentary or extended action or to a 
series of events (cf. 39). 

The time of the action, if indicated at all, is shown, not 
by the tense, but by some fact outside of it. 

An Aorist Subjunctive after idu, orav, eus etc. is sometimes properly 
translated by a Perfect or Future Perfect, but only because the context 
shows that the action is to precede that of the principal verb. In the 
great majority of cases a Present Subjunctive or a Future is the best 
translation. See examples under 250, 285, 303, 322. 

Luke 9 : 54 ; etVw/xev irvp Kara^rjvai, shall we bid fire to come down ? 

John 15 : 9 ; puvare eV rrj dyd-wg rrj ipfj, abide ye in my love. 

Luke 17 : 4 ; koX idv €7ttoikis rrjs rjpepas d/xapTrjar) ets ere . . . acf>rjcra<s 

avrto, and if he sin against thee seven times in the day . . . thou shalt 

forgive him. 

Acts 15:13; perd Se to o-Lyrjaai avrovs, dirzKp'Sr) 'IaK(o/?og, and after 

they had become silent, James answered. 
Acts 11 : 17 ; eyco ris rjprjv Svvarbs KwXvcraL rov 6e6v, who was I that I 

could ivithstand God ? 

Eem. Compare the Presents and Aorists in the following examples : 

Matt. 6:11; rov dprov rjpwv rov eiriovcnov So? rjpiv o-rjpepov, give us 

this day our daily bread. 
Luke 11 : 3 ; tov dprov r)p£)v rov imovaiov SlSov rjplv to naO* f/p.£pav, 

give us day by day our daily bread. 
Acts 18:9; pr] <f>oj3ov, dXXd XdXet. koll prj o-no7rrjcrrj<i, be not in fear, but 

[continue to~] speak and hold not thy peace. 
Matt. 5:17; ovk rjXOov KaraXvaai dXXa irX^puia-aL, I came not to destroy, 

but to fulfil. 

John 9:4; rjpds Set ipyd^taOai rd tpya rov iripxpavros /xe ecos rjp,€pa 
kcrrlv, we must work [be doing~\ the works of him that sent me while 
it is day. 

99. The Future Optative does not occur in the New Tes- 
tament. 



48 



THE TENSES. 



The Future Infinitive denotes time relatively to the time of 
the principal verb. It is thus an exception to the general prin- 
ciple of the timelessness of the dependent moods. 

Acts 23 : 30 ; ixrjvvOeLO-ns Se /jlol i7ri(3ovXr)<; eis tov avSpa ecreaOai, and 

when it was shown to me that there would be a plot against the man. 

100. The Infinitive /xiXXeiv with the Infinitive of another 
verb dependent on it has the force of a Future Infinitive of the 
latter verb. The dependent Infinitive is usually a Present, 
sometimes a Future. It is regularly a Future in the New 
Testament in the case of the verb ei/xi. 

Acts 28 : 6 ; ol Se 7rpoaeBoKO)v avrov piiXXeiv TrLpjwpavBai f) Karaizi-nr^w 
a<j>v(D veKpov, but they expected that he would sivell or fall down sud- 
denly. See also Acts 19 : 27 ; 27 : 10, etc. 

101. The Perfect of the Dependent Moods is used of 
completed action. As in the Indicative, the thought may 
be directed both to the action and its result, or only to the 
result. The time of the action is indicated, as in the 
Present and Aorist, not by the tense but by the context or 
by the function of the mood. 

Acts 25:25; eyo> Sc KaTcXa/36p.r)v fxrjfiev d^tov avrov Oavdrov 7T£7r/)a^€vac, 

but 1 found that he had committed nothing worthy of death. 
Acts 26 : 32 ; dtroXeXvo-Qai iSvvaro 6 avOpaytros ovtos, this man might have 

been set at liberty. 
Mark 4 : 39 ; 2iio7ra, 7re<£t/xajcro, peace, be still. 

102. An Ixtexsive Perfect may occur in the dependent 
moods as in the Indicative. 

1 Tim. 6 : 17 ; rots ttXov (tlol<s iv tw vvv auovi irapdyyeXXe pJq vxpr/Xofypovtiv 
fxrjSc rfX-n-LKivaL «rt ttXovtov dS-nXoT-nrt, charge them that are rich in this 
present world, that they be not high minded, nor have their hope set on 
the uncertainty of riches. 



OF THE DEPENDENT MOODS. 



49 



103. Periphrastic Form of the Perfect. In the New 
Testament as in classical Greek, the Perfect Subjunctive Pas- 
sive is formed by adding a Perfect Participle to the Present 
Subjunctive of the verb dfxi These forms are in the New 
Testament most commonly Perfects of Existing State. John 
16:24; 17:19; 2 Cor. 1:9; etc. See also Luke 12:35, 
which furnishes an instance of a periphrastic Perfect Impera- 
tive, enjoining the maintenance of the state denoted by the 
Perfect Participle. Cf. 20 and 431. 

104. Tenses of the Infinitive after Prepositions. 
The general principle that the tenses of the dependent moods 
characterize the action of the verb only as respects progress 
and are properly timeless holds also respecting the Infinitive 
after prepositions. The Infinitive itself is properly timeless, 
though the time-relation is usually suggested by the meaning 
of the preposition or by this combined with that which the 
tense implies respecting the progress of the action. 

105. By nerd with the Infinitive antecedence of the action denoted by 
the Infinitive to that denoted by the principal verb is expressed, but this 
meaning manifestly lies in the preposition, not in the tense of the verb. 
That the Aorist Infinitive is almost constantly used (the Perfect occurs 
once, Heb. 10 : 15) is natural, since in dating one event by another the 
latter is usually conceived of simply as an event without reference to its 
progress. See Matt. 26 : 32 ; Luke 12 : 5 ; Acts 1:3; 1 Cor. 11 : 25, etc. 

106. By Trpb with the Infinitive antecedence of the action of the prin- 
cipal verb to that of the Infinitive is expressed, and the action of the 
Infinitive is accordingly relatively future. But here also the time relation 
is expressed wholly by the preposition. The reason for the almost uniform 
use of the Aorist (the Present elvcu occurs John 17: 5) is the same as in 
the case of fj-erd. See Luke 2:21; 22 : 15 ; John 1 : 48. 

107. After els and irp6s the Infinitive usually refers to an action which 
is future with respect to the principal verb. This also results from the 
meaning of the prepositions, which, expressing purpose or tendency, 
necessarily point to an action subsequent to that of the verb which the 



50 



THE TENSES. 



prepositional phrase limits. When irp6s means with reference to, the time- 
relation is indicated only by the necessary relation of the things spoken 
of. See Luke 18 : 1. All three tenses of the Infinitive occur after els 
and both Present and Aorist after wpos, the difference marked by the tense 
being not of time but of progress. See Rom. 12 : 2 ; Phil. 1 : 23 ; Heb. 
11:3; Matt. 6:1; Mark 13 : 22. Cf. 409-414. 

108. After 5td the three Infinitives distinguish the action as respects 
the writer's conception of its progress, as continued, completed, or indefi- 
nite. Time relations are secondary and suggested. The Aorist Infinitive 
occurs only in Matt. 24 : 12, where to irXrjevvdrjvai r-qv dvofxiav apparently 
refers to the multiplication of iniquity as a fact of that time without 
exclusive reference to its preceding the action of the principal verb. The 
Present Infinitive refers to action in progress usually shown by the con- 
text to be contemporaneous with the action of the principal verb. See 
Matt. 13 : 5, 6 ; Acts 12 : 20 ; Heb. 10 : 2 ; Jas. 4 : 2. The Perfect Infini- 
tive has its usual force, denoting an action standing complete. The time 
of the state of completeness appears from the context ; it is usually that 
of the principal verb. See Acts 8:11; 18 : 2 ; 27 : 9 ; but cf. Mark 5 : 4, 
where 8e84crdac denotes an action whose result was existing, not at the 
time of speaking, but at an earlier time. Cf. 408. 

109. After ev we naturally expect to find only the Present Infinitive, 
the preposition by its meaning suggesting an action thought of as in 
progress ; and this is indeed the more common usage. Luke, however, 
who uses ev with the Infinitive far more frequently than all the other New 
Testament writers, has ev with the Aorist Infinitive nine times, and the 
same construction occurs in Hebrews twice, and in 1 Corinthians once. 
Since the Aorist Infinitive conceives of an action simply as an event with- 
out thought of its continuance, it is natural to take ev with it in the same 
sense which the preposition bears with nouns which denote an event rather 
than a continued action or state (cf. 98), viz. as marking the time at which 
the action expressed by the principal verb takes place. The preposition 
in this sense does not seem necessarily to denote exact coincidence, but 
in no case expresses antecedence. In 1 Cor. II : 21 and Heb. 3: 12 the 
action of the Infinitive cannot be antecedent to that of the principal verb ; 
see also Gen. 19 : 16. In Luke 9 : 34 such a relation is very difficult, 
and in Luke 14:1 improbable in view of the Imperfect tense following. 
In Luke 2 : 27 ; 11 : 37 ; 19 : 15 ; 24 : 30 ; Acts 11 : 15, the action denoted 
by the Infinitive, strictly speaking, precedes the action of the principal 
verb, yet may be thought of by the writer as marking more or less exactly 
the time at which the action of the verb takes place. As respects the 



OF THE DEPENDENT MOODS. 



51 



relation of the action to that of the principal verb, the Aorist Infinitive 
after iv may be compared to the Aorist Indicative after 'ore, which simply 
marks in general the time of the event denoted by the principal verb, 
leaving it to the context to indicate the precise nature of the chronological 
relation. See Matt. 12:3; 21:34; 27:31; John 19: 6, 30. Similarly 
indefinite is the use of the English preposition on with verbal nouns, as, 
e.g., On the completion of his twenty-first year he becomes of legal age; 
On the arrival of the train the procession will be formed. Luke 3 : 21 
cannot in view of the Aorist tense be rendered, while all the people were 
being baptized, nor in view of the preposition kv, after all the people had 
been baptized, but must be understood as affirming that the baptism of 
Jesus occurred at the time (in general) of the baptism of all the people. 
Luke 9 : 36 can only mean, when the voice came, a meaning entirely 
appropriate to the context. Cf. 415. 

110. The Tenses of the Dependent Moods in Indi- 
rect Discourse. The Optative and Infinitive in indirect 
discourse preserve the conception of the action as respects 
progress which belonged to the direct discourse. The Present 
Optative and Infinitive represent tense forms which in the 
direct discourse denoted action in progress. Similarly the 
Aorist of these moods represents forms which expressed action 
indefinitely, and the Perfect stands for forms denoting com- 
pleted action. The Future represents a Future Indicative of 
the direct discourse. In the majority of cases each tense of 
the Optative or Infinitive in indirect discourse stands for the 
same tense of the Indicative or Subjunctive of the direct form. 
Yet it is doubtful whether, strictly speaking, the dependent 
moods in indirect discourse express time-relations. The cor- 
respondence of tenses probably rather results from the neces- 
sity of preserving the original conception of the action as 
respects its progress, and the time-relation is conveyed by the 
context rather than by the tense of the verb. 

Rem. Cf. Br. 161. " Der opt. und inf. aor. von vergangenen Hand- 
lungen als Vertreter des ind. aor. in der or. obi. entbehrten ebenso wie opt. 
und inf. praes. (§ 158) des Ausdrucks der Zeitbeziehung, die nur aus der 



52 



THE TENSES. 



Natur der in der Rede in Verbindung gebrachten Verbalbegriffe oder aus 
der ganzen in Rede stehenden Situation erkannt wurde." Cf. GMT. 
85, contra. 

111. The Present Optative in indirect discourse in the New 
Testament usually represents the Present Indicative of the 
direct form. Luke 1 : 29 ; 3 : 15 ; Acts 17 : 11 ; etc. In Acts 
25 : 16, it stands for a Present Subjunctive of the direct form. 
The Optative with av is taken unchanged from the direct dis- 
course. Luke 1 : 62 ; 6 : 11 ; etc. The Aorist Optative occurs 
in indirect discourse only in Acts 25 : 16, where it represents 
a Subjunctive of the direct form referring to the future. 
Neither the Perfect Optative nor the Future Optative occurs in 
the New Testament. 

112. The Present Infinitive in indirect discourse in the 
New Testament stands for the Present Indicative of the direct 
form. Matt. 22 : 23 ; Luke 11 : 18 ; 20 : 41 ; Acts 4 : 32 ; 1 Cor. 
7 : 36 ; 1 John 2 : 9. Similarly the Perfect Infinitive rep- 
resents the Perfect Indicative of the direct discourse. Luke 
22 : 34 ; John 12 : 29 ; Acts 14 : 19 ; 2 Tim. 2 : 18. The Pres- 
ent Infinitive as the representative of the Imperfect, and the 
Perfect Infinitive as the representative of the Pluperfect 
(GMT. 119, 123) apparently do not occur in the New Testa- 
ment. The Future Infinitive is, as stated above (99), an 
exception to the general rule of the timelessness of the de- 
pendent moods. It represents a Future Indicative of the 
direct form. John 21 : 25; Acts 23 : 30 ; Heb. 3 : 18. 

113. The Aorist Infinitive occurs in the New Testament, 
as in classical Greek, as a regular construction after verbs 
signifying to hope, to promise, to swear, to command, etc. In 
this case the action denoted by the Aorist Infinitive is, by the 
nature of the case, future with reference to that of the princi- 



OF THE PARTICIPLE. 



53 



pal verb, but this time-relation is not expressed by the tense. 
The Aorist Infinitive is here as elsewhere timeless. These 
instances, though closely akin in force to those of indirect 
discourse, are not usually included under that head. Cf. 
Cr.MT. 684. 

114. The Aorist Infinitive referring to what is future w^ith 
reference to the principal verb also occurs in a few instances 
after verbs of assertion. These must be accounted cases in 
which the Aorist Infinitive in indirect discourse is timeless. 

Luke 24 : 46 ; otl ovtoos yeypaTrrai izaBtiv rbv \pi(TTov koli avaarrjvaL ck 
veKpwv rrj rpiTrj fj/xepa, thus it is written, that the Christ should suffer, 
and rise again from the dead the third day. See also Luke 2 : 26 ; 
Acts 3:18. Cf. Horn. Od. 2. 171, <f>r)pl TeXevTrjOrjvaL ajravra, the 
accomplishment being still future {Carter in CI. Rev. Feb. 1891, 
p. 5). Plat. Euthyd. 278, C. i<f>a.Tr]v e7riSet£aor#cH ttjv 7rpoTpe7TTiKr]v 
a-o<f>iav, they said that they would give a sample of the hortatory wisdom. 
Protag. 316, C. tovto Se o'Utoll ol paktara yzviaOai, el aol ^vyyevoiro, 
and he supposes that he would be most likely to attain this if he should 
associate with you; and other examples in Riddell, Digest of Platonic 
Idioms, § 81 ; also in GMT. 127. 

There is apparently no instance in the New Testament of 
the Aorist Infinitive in indirect discourse representing the 
Aorist Indicative of the direct form. Cf. 390. 

TENSES OF THE PARTICIPLE. 

115. The participle is a verbal adjective, sharing in part 
the characteristics of both the verb and the adjective ; it de- 
scribes its subject as a doer of the action denoted by the verb. 
For the proper understanding of a participle three things must 
be observed : 

(a) The grammatical agreement. 

(b) The use of the tense. 

(c) The modal significance, or logical force. 



54 



THE TENSES. 



116. In grammatical agreement, a participle follows the 
rule for adjectives, agreeing with its noun or pronoun in gen- 
der, number, and case. 

117. The logical force of the participle, usually the most 
important consideration from the point of view of interpreta- 
tion, will be treated at a later point. See 419 ff. The matter 
now under consideration is the significance of the tense of a 
participle. 

118. The tenses of the participle, like those of the other 
dependent moods, do not, in general, in themselves denote time. 
To this general rule the Future Participle is the leading ex- 
ception, its functions being such as necessarily to express time- 
relations. The fundamental distinguishing mark of each of 
the other tenses is the same for the participle as for the 
dependent moods in general. The Present denotes action in 
progress ; the Aorist, action conceived of indefinitely ; the 
Perfect, completed action. These distinctions, however, im- 
pose certain limitations upon the classes of events which may 
be expressed by the participle of each tense, and thus indirectly 
and to a limited extent, the tense of the participle is an indica- 
tion of the time-relation of the event denoted by it. Since for 
purposes of interpretation it is often needful to define the 
time-relation of an event expressed by the participle, it becomes 
expedient to treat the tenses of the participle apart from 
those of the dependent moods in general. 

THE PKESEtfT PAKTICIPLE, 

119. The Present Participle of Simultaneous Action. 

The Present Participle most frequently denotes an action 
in progress, simultaneous with the action of the principal 
verb. HA. 856 ; a. 1288. 



THE PRESENT PARTICIPLE. 



55 



Mark 16 : 20 ; Ikuvol 8e i£e\$6vTes ifcrjpviav iravTaxov, tov Kvpiov 
avvepyovvTos, and they went forth and preached everywhere, the Lord 
working ivith them. 

Acts 10 : 44 ; en AciAowtos tov Ilirpov ra prjfxara ravra e7re7reere to 
7rve{j/xa to ayiov e7rt 7ravra? rows glkovovtols tov Xoyov, while Peter 
was yet speaking these words, the Holy Ghost fell on all them which 
heard the word. 

Rem. The action of the verb and that of the participle may be of the 
same extent (Mark 16:20), but are not necessarily so. Oftener the 
action of the verb falls within the period covered by the participle (Acts 
10:44). 

Even a subsequent action is occasionally expressed by a Present 
Participle, which in this case stands after the verb. Cf. 145. 

Acts 19:9; d<£cupicrey tovs p,aOr)Ta<;, ko.0' r/fiepav SiaAeyd/xevos iv Trj 
o-xoXr) Tvpdvvov, he separated the disciples, reasoning daily in the 
school of Tyrannus. See also Acts 17 : 13 ; 18 : 23. 

120. The Present Participle of Identical Action. 

The Present Participle not infrequently denotes the same 
action which is expressed by the verb of the clause in 
which it stands. 

John 6:6; tovto Se eAeyev 7reipa£o)v avTov, and this he said trying him. 
See also Matt. 27 : 41 ; John 21 : 19 ; Acts 9 : 22 ; Gal. 3 : 23. 

121. The verb and the participle of identical action, though 
denoting the same action, usually describe it from a different 
point of view. The relation between the different points of 
view varies greatly. Tt may be the relation of fact to method, 
as in Acts 9 : 22 ; 15: 24, 29 ; of outward form to inner sig- 
nificance or quality, as in Luke 22 : 65 ; or of act to purpose 
or result, as in Matt. 16 : 1 ; John 6 : 6. 

122. A Present Participle of Identical Action, since it de- 
notes action in progress, most naturally accompanies a verb 
denoting action in progress. Sometimes, however, a Pres- 
ent Participle accompanies an Aorist verb denoting the same 



56 



THE TENSES. 



action; regularly so in the phrase dir^KpCvaTo (aTreKptOrj) Acywv; 
see Mark 15 : 9 ; Luke 3 : 16 ; John 1 : 26 ; etc. 

Acts 15:24; irdpa^av vp,d<s Aoyois dvaaKCvd^ovres ras i/'v^as vp.(ov, 

they have troubled you with words, subverting your souls. See also 
Acts 1:3; 22:4; Gen. 43 : 6. 

Similarly a Present Participle representing the action as in 
progress, may accompany an Aoristic Future, which conceives 
of it simply as an event. Acts 15 : 29; 1 Mace. 12 : 22. 

123. The General Present Participle. The Present 
Participle is also used without reference to time or prog- 
ress, simply defining its subject as belonging to a certain 
class, i.e. the class of those who do the action denoted 
by the verb. The participle in this case becomes a simple 
adjective or noun and is, like any other adjective or noun, 
timeless and indefinite. B. pp. 296 f . ; WM. p. 444 ; WT. 
p. 353. 

Acts 10 : 22 ; KopvyXto? kKaTovTdpxqs, dvrjp Sikcuos kcu <£o/?ov/xevos 
rov Oeov, Cornelius a centurion, a righteous and God-fearing man. 

Mark 5:16; 7rcos iyevero tw Sai/xovt^o/xevo), what had happened to the 
demoniac. 

Gal. 6:6; KOivwvetVw Se 6 Kar^ou/xevos rov Xoyov to) Kari^owTi iv 
7rdcrtv dya^ois, but let him that is taught in the word communicate to 
him that teacheth in all good things. 

124. A class may consist of those who habitually or con- 
stantly do a given act, or of those who once do the act the 
single doing of which is the mark of the class. The former 
case is illustrated in Matt. 5:6; the latter in Rev. 14 : 13. 

Matt. 5:6; pxiKaptoi ol 7reti/6ji/res kol Sn/Wre? rrjv SiKaiocrvvnv, blessed 

are they that hunger and thirst after righteousness. 
Rev. 14:13; paKapioL ol vetcpoi ol iv Kupto) a.TroQvrjo'KovTe';, blessed are 

the dead which die in the Lord. See also Matt. 7 : 13. 



THE PRESENT PARTICIPLE. 



57 



In the first class of cases the Present Participle only can be 
used ; in the second class either an Aorist (as in Matt. 23 : 20 ; 
26 : 52; John 16 : 2, et al.) or a Present may occur, and that, 
either in the plural designating the class as such, or in the 
singular designating an individual of the class. 

Thus ttclvtI avdpuiru) irepLTe^voixevij} (Gal. 5:3; cf. 6 : 13) does not mean, 
to every man that is wont to be circumcised, but, to every man that is 
circumcised, i.e. that receives circumcision (R.V., correctly though not 
literally). So also in Heb. 5: 1 Xap.pa.v6 )xevos does not mean, one that is 
wont to be taken, but, that is taken. Being once taken is the mark of the 
class here referred to, as being once circumcised is the mark of the class 
referred to in Gal. 5:3. The customariness applies not to the action of 
the individual member of the class, but to that of the class as a whole ; as 
in Heb. 5:1, the Present Indicative KadicrTaTai may be rendered, is wont 
to be appointed, not in the sense, each one is wont to be [repeatedly] 
appointed, but, it is wont to happen to each that he is appointed. Cf. 125. 
In Luke 16 : 18 was 6 diroXvwv means not, every one that is wont to 
divorce, still less, every one that has divorced, but, every one that divorces. 

125. Through the ambiguity of the English Passive form, 
such Present Participles as those just referred to (124) are 
easily taken by the English interpreter as equivalent to Per- 
fect Participles, but always to the greater or less distortion of 
the meaning of the passage. 1 

Thus in Gal. 5 : 3 (see 124) -jrepiTep.vop.e'vwis not equivalent to a Perfect, 
every circumcised man. The apostle is not speaking of circumcision as 
an accomplished fact, but of becoming circumcised. Similarly Heb. 5 : 1 
refers not to one that has been taken (German: ist genommen worden), 
but that is taken (German: wird genommen). In Heb. 5:4 KaXov/xevos 
is one that is (not, has been ) called. In Luke 13 : 23, el dXiyoi oi 

1 This ambiguity of the English may be illustrated by the form is 
written. In the sentence, It is written in your law, etc., is written is a 
Perfect of Existing State, and is expressed by the Greek Perfect y4y pairrai. 
The German would be ist geschrieben. In the sentence, The name of each 
scholar is written in the register as he enters the school, the same form 
is a Present of customary action, and would be expressed in Greek by 
ypacperai, and in German by vrird geschrieben. 



58 



THE TENSES. 



<rw£6/j.evoi, the participle is undoubtedly a General Present, the inquiry 
being neither on the one hand as to the number of those that are already 
saved (Perfect of Existing State) or that have been saved (Perfect of Com- 
pleted Action) nor, on the other, with reference to those that are being 
saved (Progressive Present of Simultaneous Action), but with reference 
to those' that are [i.e. become'] saved. Cf. Luther's version, meinst du, 
dass wenige selig werden? and Weizsacker's, sind es wenige, die gerettet 
voerden ? 

The same participle in Acts 2 : 47 ; 1 Cor. 1 : 18 ; 2 Cor. 2 : 15, may 
be understood in the same way, and be rendered, voe that are (in the sense 
we that become) saved, or may be taken as in R.V. as a Progressive 
Present of Simultaneous Action. It cannot mean the saved in the sense 
of those that have been saved. The statement of Dr. T. W. Chambers in 
J.B.L. June 1886, p. 40, that "the passive participle of the present tense 
in Greek is often, if not generally, used to express a completed action," 
is wholly incorrect, and derives all its verisimilitude from the ambiguity 
of the English Passive forms. 

126. A General Present Participle sometimes occurs in the singular 
when the person to whom it refers constitutes the class designated. This 
limitation of the phrase to an individual is accomplished, however, not by 
the participle, but by its limitations. John 13 : 11, top irapa5i56i>Ta avrov, 
probably means simply his betrayer. The participle Tapadidovs alone 
designates any one belonging to the class of betrayers. It is the addition 
of the article and an object that restricts the participle to one person. 

127. The Present Participle for the Imperfect. The 

Present Participle is also sometimes used as an Imperfect 
to denote a continued action antecedent to that of the 
principal verb. HA. 856, a ; G. 1289 ; #.MT. 140. 

Matt. 2 : 20 ; TeOv^Kaatv yap ol ^towtc? rrjv \pvyy]v tov 7raiStov. for 

they are dead that were seeking the young child's life. See also 
John 12 : 17 ; Acts 4 : 34 (cf . v. 37) ; 10 : 7 ; Gal. 1 : 23. 

128. The following uses of the Present Participle are 
closely analogous to the uses of the Present Indicative already 
described under similar names. They are of somewhat infre- 
quent occurrence in the New Testament. 



THE AORIST PARTICIPLE. 



59 



129. (a) The Conative Present. 

Matt. 23 : 13 (WH. et al., 14) ; ovSe rous eicrep^o/xevovs d<^tere e«reA#eiv, 

neither suffer ye them that are entering in to enter. See also Acts 
28 : 23. 

130. (h) The Present for the Future, the action de- 
noted being thought of as future with reference to the time of 
the principal verb. 

Acts 21 : 3 ; eKeice yap to ttXolov r/v airofpopn^opievov rov yo/xov, for 

there the ship was to unlade her burden. 

131. (c) The Present of Past Action still in Progress, 
the action denoted beginning before the action of the principal 
verb and continuing in progress at the time denoted by the 
latter. 

Acts 9 : 33 ; evpev Se ckci avOpomov rtva ovopLari Aiviav i£ iriov oktw 
Kara/cet/xevov e7rt Kpafidrrov, and there he found a certain man named 
JEneas, who had been lying on a bed eight years. See also Matt. 
9 : 20 ; Mark 5 : 25 ; Luke 8 : 43 ; John 5:5; Acts 24 : 10. 

THE AOEIST PAETIOIPLE. 

132. The general statement made under 118, that the 
tenses of the participle do not in general in themselves denote 
time, applies also to the Aorist Participle. It is very impor- 
tant for the right interpretation of the Aorist Participle that 
it be borne in mind that the proper and leading function of the 
tense is not to express time, but to mark the fact that the 
action of the verb is conceived of indefinitely, as a simple 
event. The assumption that the Aorist Participle properly 
denotes past time, from the point of view either of the speaker 
or of the principal verb, leads to constant misinterpretation of 
the form. The action denoted by the Aorist Participle may 
be past, present, or future with reference to the speaker, and 



60 



THE TENSES. 



antecedent to, coincident with, or subsequent to, the action of 
the principal verb. The Aorist Participle, like the participles 
of the other tenses, may be most simply thought of as a noun 
or adjective, the designation of one who performs the action 
denoted by the verb, and like any other noun or adjective 
timeless. The distinction of the Aorist Participle is not that 
it expresses a different time-relation from that expressed by 
the Present or Perfect, but that it conceives of the action de- 
noted by it, not as in progress (Present), nor as an existing 
result (Perfect), but as a simple fact. Such an adjective or 
noun will not ordinarily be used if contemporaneousness 
with the action of the principal verb is distinctly in mind, 
since contemporaneousness suggests action in progress, and 
action in progress is expressed, not by the Aorist, but by 
the Present tense. Nor will it be used when the mind 
distinctly contemplates the existence of the result of the 
action, it being the function, not of the Aorist, but of 
the Perfect, to express existing result. Nor, again, will 
the Aorist noun be used if the writer desires distinctly 
to indicate that the doer of the action will perform it in 
time subsequent to that of the principal verb, the Aorist be- 
ing incapable in itself of suggesting subsequence or futurity. 
But, when these cases have been excluded, there remains a 
considerable variety of relations to which the Aorist is appli- 
cable, the common mark of them all being that the action 
denoted by the participle is thought of simply as an event. 
Among these various relations the case . of action antecedent 
to that of the principal verb furnishes the largest number 
of instances. It is thus, numerically considered, the leading 
use of the Aorist Participle, and this fact has even to some 
extent reacted on the meaning of the tense, so that there is 
associated with the tense as a secondary, acquired, and wholly 
subordinate characteristic a certain suggestion of antecedence. 



THE AORIST PARTICIPLE. 



61 



Yet this use is no more than the other uses a primary function 
of the tense, nor did it ever displace the others, or force them 
into a position of subordination or abnormality. The instances 
in which the action denoted by the participle is not antecedent 
to the action of the principal verb are as normal as that in 
which it is so, and were evidently so recognized alike in clas- 
sical and in New Testament Greek. The Aorist Participle of 
Antecedent Action does not denote antecedence ; it is used of 
antecedent action, where antecedence is implied, not by the 
Aorist tense as a tense of past time, but in some other way. 
The same principle holds respecting all the uses of this tense. 
The following section (133) is accordingly a definition of the 
constant function of the Aorist Participle, while 134, 139, and 
142 enumerate the classes of events with reference to which it 
may be used. 

Rem. Compare the following statements of modern grammarians : 

" Since the participle, like the other non-augmented forms of the 
aorist, has nothing whatever to do with the denotation of past time, and 
since time previous to a point in past time is not the less a kind of past 
time, we do not here understand at once how the participle became used 
in this sense. But the enigma is solved when we examine the nature of 
the aorist and participle. The latter, an adjective in origin, fixes one 
action in relation to another. The action which is denoted by the finite 
verb is the principal one. When the secondary action continues side by 
side with the principal action, it must stand [iraparaT t/ccDs] in the participle 
of the present ; if, again, referred to the future, the proper sign of the 
future is needed ; and similarly, the perfect participle serves to express 
an action regarded as complete in reference to the principal action. If, 
however, it is intended to denote the secondary action without any 
reference to continuousness and completion and futurity, but merely 
as a point or moment, the aorist participle alone remains for this 
purpose. We indeed, by a sort of necessity, regard a point which 
is fixed in reference to another action as prior to it, but, strictly 
speaking, this notion of priority in past time is not signified by the 
aorist participle." — Curtius, Elucidations of the Student's Greek Gram- 
mar, pp. 216 f. 



62 



THE TENSES. 



" An und fur sich bezeichnet das aoristische Particip ebenso wenig als 
irgend eine andere aoristische Form ausser dein Indicativ, der in seinem 
Augment ein deutliches Merkmal der Vergangenheit hat, etwas Vergan- 
genes. Das Particip des kiirzesten und von uns genauer betrachteten 
Aorists, dessen Stamm eben nur die Verbalgrundform selbst ist, ist also 
nur Particip an und fur sich, das heisst es bezeichnet eine Handlung, mit 
der noch kein Satz als abgeschlossen gedacht werden soil ; im Uebrigen 
liegt sein Characteristisches fiir uns nur darin, dass es als aoristisches 
Particip nicht wie das prasentische Particip auch die Bedeutung der 
Dauer in sich enthalt, sondern etwas bezeichnet, bei dem die Zeitdauer, 
die es in Anspruch genommen, nicht weiter in Frage kommen, oder das 
uberhaupt nur als ganz kurze Zeit dauernd bezeichnet werden soil." 
— Leo Meyer, Griechische Aoriste, pp. 124, 125. 

"In satzen wie eiretby) elirev, dir-yei ; elirwv ravra diryei ; edv n (pdywcriv, 
avao-TTjo-ovTac (Xen. An. IV. 5, 8) erschien die syntaktisch untergeordnete 
aoristische Handlung gegeniiber dem anderen Vorgang darum als vergan- 
gen, weil die beiden Handlungen sachlich verschieden waren. Das Bedeu- 
tungsmoment der ungeteilten Vollstandigkeit und Abgeschlossenheit der 
Handlung liess die Vorstellung, dass die Haupthandlung in den Verlauf 
der Nebenhandlung hineinfalle und neben ihr hergehe (Gleichzeitigkeit), 
nicht zu. Die Vorstellung der Vergangenheit in Bezug auf das Haupt- 
verbum war also nicht durch die Aoristform an sich, sondern durch die 
besondere Natur der beiden Verbalbegriffe, die zu einander in Beziehung 
gesetzt wurden, gegeben. Man erkennt diesen Sachverhalt am besten 
durch Vergleichung mit Satzen wie E 98, /ecu /3dV eiraia-crovTa tvxwv /cara 
8e%ibu ufxov, Herod. 5, 24, eS eiroLrjaas d-n-LKOfievos, Xen. An. I. 3, 17, /3ou- 
\oifxrju 5' dv &koptos diriuu Ktipov \adeiv olvtou dweXddov, Thuk. 6, 4, erecrt 5^ 
eyyvrara 6/cto) kclI eKarbp /xerd ttjv (T<per^pav olkkjiv TeXyot 'AKpdyavra 
(pKLtrav, ttjv /j.ev ttoXlv dwb tov ' kicpdyovros Trora/JLod 6vop.daavres, oiKiards 8e 
iroiTjcraPTes ' ApicrTovovv kcli HvcttLXov, pofxip-a 5£ ra TeXcpojv bovres, wo die 
Vorstellung einer Zeitverschiedenheit darum nicht entstehen konnte, 
weil es sich um ein und denselben Vorgang handelte und das Partizip 
oder die Partizipien nur eine, beziehungsweise mehrere besondere Seiten 
der Handlung des regierenden Verbums zum Ausdruck brachten." — 
Br. 161. 

133. The Aorist Participle is used of an action con- 
ceived of as a simple event. 

It may be used with reference to an action or event in 
its entirety (indefinite), or with reference to the inception 



THE AORIST PARTICIPLE. 



63 



of a state (inceptive), or with reference to the accomplish- 
ment of an attempt (resultative). When indefinite it may 
be used of momentary or extended actions or of a series of 
events. Cf. 35, and 39, and see examples below. 

134. The Aorist Participle of Antecedent Action. 

The Aorist Participle is most frequently used of an action 
antecedent in time to the action of the principal verb. 

Matt. 4:2; /cat v^crrevo-as i^uepas TeaaepaKovTa ko.1 vvktols recrcrepa.- 
kovtol varepov liruvao-ev, and having fasted forty days and forty 
nights, he afterward hungered. 

Mark 1 : 31 ; rjyeipev avrrjv KpaTrj(7a<i Trjs ^eipo?, and taking her by the 
hand he raised her up. 

John 5 : 13 ; 6 Se laOels ovk rjSeL rt? ianv, but he that had been healed 
wist not who it was. 

Acts 14:19; koX 7ra'cravTes roi>s o^Aovs kcu XiOdo-avTes rov TLavXov, 
eavpov e$o) rrjs 7roAecos, and having persuaded the multitudes they 
stoned Paul, and dragged him out of the city. 

Acts 27 : 13 ; So^avres rrj<; 7rpo#ecrea>? KCKpar-nKevai apavres acrcrov 
iraptXiyovro rrjv YLprjTnv, supposing that they had obtained their pur- 
pose, they weighed anchor, and sailed along Crete. 

Rom. 5:1; hiKo,UD0k'vTe.<; ovv Ik Trtcrreoj? dprjvnv I'^oo/xev irphs rov Oeov, 
having therefore been justified by faith, let us have peace with God. 

1 Cor. 1:4; ev^apLarw raJ #eu) . . . m rrj ^aptrt rov Oeov rrj SoOeto-n 

vplv, I thank God . . . for the grace of God which was given you. 
Col. 1 : 3, 4 ; ev^apto'Tovp.ev tu> Oe<p . . . aKovaavres ttjv ttlvtlv vpoiv, 
we give thanks to God . . . having heard of your faith. 

2 Tim. 4:11; MapKov avaXafSwv aye pera aeavrov, take Mark and 
bring him with thee. 

135. The Aorist Participle of Antecedent Action is fre- 
quently used attributively as the equivalent of a relative 
clause ; in this case it usually has the article, and its position 
is determined by the same considerations which govern the 
position of any other noun or adjective in similar construction. 
See John 5 : 13 ; 1 Cor. 1 : 4, above. 



64 



THE TENSES. 



136. It is still more frequently used adverbially and is 
equivalent to an adverbial clause or coordinate verb with and ; 
in this case the article does not occur, and the participle 
usually precedes the verb, but sometimes follows it. See 
Rom. 5:1; and Col. 1 : 3, 4 (134). 

137. In some instances of the Aorist Participle of Ante- 
cedent Action, it is the inception of the action only which pre- 
cedes the action of the principal verb. And this occurs not 
only in verbs of state (cf . 35, and see Mark 5 : 33 ; Acts 23 : 1), 
but also in verbs of action, which in the Indicative are not 
inceptive. Acts 27 : 13 (134) ; 13 : 27 ; 2 Tim. 4 : 10. 

138. The Aorist Participle of Antecedent Action is by no 
means always best translated into English by the so-called 
Perfect Participle. The English Present Participle is very 
frequently placed before a verb to express an antecedent ac- 
tion, and that, too, without implying that the action is thought 
of as in progress. It is accordingly in many cases the best 
translation of an Aorist Participle. See Mark 1 : 31 (134); 
also Mark 5 : 36 ; Acts 13 : 16, R.V. Frequently also the 
Aorist Participle of the Greek is best reproduced in English 
by a finite verb with and. See Acts 14 : 19 ; 27 : 13 ; 2 Tim. 
4 : 11 (134) ; also Luke 21 : 1 ; Acts 21 : 1 ; Acts 10 : 23, R.V. 

139. The Aorist Participle of Identical Action. The 

Aorist Participle agreeing with the subject of a verb not 
infrequently denotes the same action that is expressed 
by the verb. HA. 856, b; (7. 1290; (7.MT. 150. 

Matt. 27 : 4 ; rjfxaprov 7rapaSoi>s olfxa SUatov, I sinned in that I betrayed 
innocent Mood. 

Acts 10 : 33 ; (tv re KaAcos e7rot?;cras 7rapayevo/xei/o?, and thou Jiast well 
done that thou hast come. See also Matt. 19 : 27 (and the numerous 
instances of the phrase airoKpidds clirev) ; Acts 27 : 3 ; 1 Cor. 15 : 18 ; 
Eph. 1:9; Heb. 7 : 27 ; Gen. 43 : 5. 



THE AORIST PARTICIPLE. 



65 



140. The verb and the participle of identical action, though 
denoting the same action, usually describe it from a different 
point of view. Respecting this difference in point of view, 
see 121. 

141. An Aorist Participle of Identical Action mobt fre- 
quently accompanies an Aorist verb, both verb and participle 
thus describing the action indefinitely as a simple event. It 
occurs also with the Future, with which as an aoristic tense 
it is entirely appropriate (Luke 9:25; 3 John 6), with the 
Present and Imperfect (Mark 8 : 29 ; Acts 7 : 26), and with the 
Perfect (Acts 13 : 33 ; 1 Sam. 12 : 19). 

142. The Aorist Participle used attributively as the equiva- 
lent of a relative clause sometimes refers to an action subse- 
quent to that of the principal verb, though antecedent to the 
time of the speaker. Instances occur both in classical Greek 
(see 6r.MT. 152; Carter and Humphreys in CI Hev.Yeb. 1891) 
and in the New Testament. 

Acts 1 : 16 ; rjv Trpoelire to Trvevfxa to ay lov Slot, oro/xaros AavelS 7repi 
'IouSa tov yevofiivov oBrjyov tol<s (rvWafSovaLv 'Irjcrovv, which the Holy 
Spirit spake before by the mouth of David concerning Judas who be- 
came guide to them that took Jesus. See also Matt. 10:4; 11:21; 
John 11:2; Col. 1:8. 

143. It should be clearly observed that the participle in 
these cases does not by its tense denote either antecedence to 
the time of speaking or subsequence to that of the principal 
verb. The participle is properly timeless, and the time-rela- 
tions are learned from the context or outside sources. 

144. Whether the Aorist Participle used adverbially, as the 
equivalent of an adverbial or coordinate clause, ever refers to 
an action subsequent to that of the principal verb is more 
difficult to determine. No certain instance has been observed 
in classical Greek, though several possible ones occur. See 



66 



THE TENSES. 



Dem. XIX. (F.L.) 255 (423) cited by Carter, and Thuc. II. 
49. 2, cited by Humphreys, in CI. Rev. Feb. 1891. See also 
Horn. II. E. 369 ; N. 35, and Pindar, Pyth. IV. 189. 

145. The New Testament furnishes one almost indubitable 
instance of an Aorist Participle so used if we accept the best 
attested text. 

Acts 25 : 13, 'Aypi7T7ras 6 /SacuAevs kol Bepvi/o? KaTrjvrrjaav eis Kcucra- 
puxy acnraadfxevoi rbv ^rjcrrov, Agrippa the King and Bernice arriced 
at Ccesarea and saluted Festus. 

The doubt concerning the text rests not on the insufficiency 
of the documentary evidence, but on the rarity of this use of 
the participle. Cf. Hort in WH. II. App. p. 100. "The 
authority for -a/xevot is absolutely overwhelming, and as a 
matter of transmission -6/ievot. can only be a correction. Yet 
it is difficult to remain satisfied that there is no prior corrup- 
tion of some kind." With this case should also be compared 
Acts 16 : 23; 22 : 24; 23 : 35 ; 24 : 23, where the participle, 
which is without the article and follows the verb, is most 
naturally interpreted as referring to an action subsequent in 
thought and fact to that of the verb which it follows, and 
equivalent to /ecu with a coordinate verb. These instances are 
perhaps due to Aramaic influence. See Ka. § 76. d ; and cf . 
Dan. 2 : 26, 27 ; 3 : 13, 24, 26, 27, etc. 

In Rom. 4 : 19, Kal /xt) a<T0evr)<ras ry iriareL Karevdrjixeu t6 eavrov crQifia 
[rfd>] vevexpuixivov, the participle daOevrjo-as, though preceding the verb, is 
naturally interpreted as referring to a (conceived) result of the action 
denoted by Karevbrjaev. It is in that case an inceptive Aorist Participle 
denoting a subsequent action. Its position is doubtless due to the 
emphasis laid upon it. In Heb. 9 : 12 the symmetry of the figure is best 
preserved if evpd/xevos is thought of as referring to an action subsequent to 
that of eiaijXdev. But it is possible that darjXdev is used to describe the 
whole highpriestly act, including both the entrance into the holy place and 
the subsequent offering of the blood, and that evpdjxevos is thus a participle 
of identical action. In either case it should be translated not having 



THE AORIST PARTICIPLE. 



67 



obtained as in ILV., but obtaining or and obtained. In Phil. 2 : 7 yevop.evo% 
is related to Aa/3u>i> as a participle of identical action ; the relation of \aj3u>v 
to enivwaev is less certain. It may denote the same action as eKevuaev 
viewed from the opposite point of view (identical action), or may be 
thought of as an additional fact (subsequent action) to iKivwtrev. In Rom. 
4:21 the participles 8ovs and irX-qpocpopvdeis may be understood as together 
defining eve5vvap.<JjSv tt) irivTei, though Sovs is strictly subsequent to evedvva- 
ixtbdri. Somewhat similar is 1 Pet. 3 : 18, where faoiroiyOeis is clearly subse- 
quent to airedavev [or etradev], but is probably to be taken together with 
Oavarwdeis as defining the whole of the preceding clause Xpurrbs aira^ irepl 
a/xapriQv airedavev, Si/ccuos virep adiKwv, Iva vp.as irpocraydyrj deui. 

146. The Aorist Participle used as an integral part of the 
object of a verb of perception represents the action which it 
denotes as a simple event without defining its time. The ac- 
tion may be one which is directly perceived and hence coinci- 
dent in time with that of the principal verb, or it may be one 
which is ascertained or learned, and hence antecedent to the 
action of the principal verb. In the latter case it takes the 
place of a clause of indirect discourse having its verb in 
the Aorist Indicative. 

Acts 9:12; kcu eiScV avBpa . . . 'Avaviav ovofxarL daeXOovTa kcu iiri- 
Bevra avT<j» ^etpag, and he has seen a man named Ananias come in 
and lay hands upon him. See also Luke 10 : 18 ; Acts 10:3; 11 : 3 ; 
26 : 13; 2 Pet. 1 : 18. 

Luke 4 : 23 ; ocra rjKovo-a/xev yevo/xeva, whatever things ice have heard 
to have been done. 

147. The Aorist Participle with XavOdvu) denotes the same 
time as the principal verb. It occurs but once in the New 
Testament (Heb. 13:2), the similar construction with <f>0dvo) 
and rvyxdvo), not at all. HA. 856, b ; G. 1290. 

148. The categories named above, Aorist Participle of An- 
tecedent Action, of Identical Action, etc., which, it must be 
remembered, represent, not diverse functions of the tense, but 
only classes of cases for which the Aorist Participle may be 



68 



THE TENSES. 



used, do not include absolutely all the instances. There are, 
for example, cases in which the time-relation of the action of 
the participle to that of the verb is left undefined. John 
16 : 2, 6 airoKTUva<; [v/xa?] B6$rj Xarpuav Trpoa^epuv ra> #ea>, means, 
every slayer of you will think, etc. Whether he will have such 
thought before he shall slay, when he slays, or after he shall 
have slain, is not at all defined. Cf. Gen. 4 : 15. 

149. Very rarely also the Aorist Participle used adverbially 
refers to an action evidently in a general way coincident in 
time with the action of the verb, yet not identical with it. 

Heb. 2:10; eTrparev yap avrip, oY 6V to. iravra kol Sl ov to. ndvTa, 
7ro\Xov<; vlovs a? Sd£av dyayovra tov dp\gyov rrjs (rwr^pta? clvtwv 
Sia iraOrjpidTOiv reAetaxrat, for it became him, for whom are all things, 
and through whom are all things, in bringing many sons unto glory, to 
make the author of their salvation perfect through sufferings. The 
participle dyayoi/ra is neither antecedent nor subsequent to reAaco- 
crcu, nor yet strictly identical with it. Nearly the same thought 
might be expressed in English by when he brought or in bringing, 
and in Greek by ore rjyayev or iv ra> dyayetv (cf. 109). 

The choice of the Aorist Participle rather than the Present 
in such cases is due to the fact that the action is thought of, 
not as in progress, but as a simple event or fact. Concerning 
a similar use of the Aorist Participle in Homer, see Leo Meyer, 
Griechische Aoriste, p. 125 ; T. D. Seymour in T.A.P.A., 1881, 
pp. 89, 94. The rarity of these instances is due not to any 
abnormality in such a use of the tense, but to the fact that 
an action, temporally coincident with another and subordinate 
to it (and not simply the same action viewed from a different 
point of view), is naturally thought of as in progress, and 
hence is expressed by a Present Participle. Cf. exx. under 119. 

150. As an aid to interpretation it may be observed that the Aorist 
Participle with the article may sometimes be used instead of a relative 



THE AORIST PARTICIPLE. 



69 



clause with the Aorist Indicative, sometimes instead of such a clause with 
the verb in the Aorist Subjunctive. 1 But it should not be supposed that 
from the point of view of the Greek language these were two distinct 
functions of the Aorist Participle. The phrase 6 s eXafie referred in Greek 
to past time, 6s hv Xd^rj to present or future time. It is not probable that 
in the mind of a Greek 6 Xafitiv was the precise equivalent of both of 
these, standing alternately for the one or the other, so that when he wrote 
6 Xafiuv he sometimes thought 6s e\aj8e, sometimes 6s &v Xdj3rj. The fact is 
doubtless rather that the Aorist Participle was always, strictly speaking, 
timeless, and that 6 Xafiuv meant simply the receiver, the act of receiving 
being thought of as a simple fact without reference to progress. Thus for 
6 \a/3a>i> in Matt. 25 : 16 6s e\a/3e might have stood, and it may be trans- 
lated, he that received; while for 6 6/j.6<ras in Matt. 23 : 20 6s hv 6/j.6<rri 
might have stood, and it may be translated, whoever sweareth ; and for 
6 vwo/xdvas in Matt. 24 : 13 6s hv viro/xelvrj might have stood, and it may 
be translated, whoever shall endure. Cf. Luke 12 : 8-10. But these 
differences are due not to a difference in the force of the tense in the 
three cases. In each case a translation by a timeless verbal noun — 
receiver, swearer, endurer — would correctly (though from the point 
of view of English rather awkwardly) represent the thought of the 
Greek. As respects the time-relation of the action of the participle 
to that of the principal verb 6 Xafidv and 6 virofxdvas are participles 
of antecedent action, 6 6/j.6<ras is a participle of identical action. But 
these distinctions, again, as stated above, are made, not to mark different 
functions of the Greek tense, but to aid in a fuller interpretation of the 
facts of the case. 

151. Some scholars have endeavored to explain all participles with 
the article as equivalent to the relative pronoun with the corresponding 
tense of the Indicative. It is true that such participial phrases may often 
be resolved in this way and the sense essentially preserved. But that 
this is not a general principle will be evident from a comparison of the 
function of the tense in the Indicative and in the participle. 

(a) All the tenses of the Indicative express time- relations from the 
point of view, not of the principal verb, but of the speaker. This principle 
holds in a relative clause as well as in a principal sentence. An Aorist 
verb standing in a relative clause may indeed refer to an action antece- 
dent to the time of the principal verb, but this antecedence is not expressed 
by the tense of the verb. All that the Aorist tense does in respect to 

1 W. G. Ballantine, Attributive Aorist Participles in Protasis, in Bib. 
Sac. Apr. 1889. 



70 



THE TENSES. 



time is to place the action in past time ; its relation in that past time to 
the action of the principal verb must be learned from some other source. 
The corresponding thing is true of the Present tense, which in a relative 
clause denotes time not contemporaneous with the action of the principal * 
verb, but present from the point of view of the speaker. See, e.g., Matt. 
11:4; 13:17. 

(ft) The participle, on the other hand, is in itself timeless, and gains 
whatever suggestion of time-relation it conveys from its relation to the 
rest of the sentence. It is not affirmed that the Aorist Participle denotes 
time relative to that of the principal verb, but that its time-relations are 
not independent, like those of the Indicative, but dependent. 

It is thus apparent that the whole attitude, so to speak, of the parti- 
ciple toward time-relations is different from that of the Indicative, and no 
formula of equivalence between them can be constructed. A timeless 
noun or adjective cannot by any fixed rule be translated into a time- 
expressing verb. 

Somewhat less of error is introduced if the rule is made to read that 
the participle may be translated into English by a relative clause using 
that tense of the English Indicative which corresponds to the tense 
of the Greek participle. Relative clauses in English frequently use the 
tenses apparently to denote time relative to that of the principal verb. 
Thus in the sentence, When I am in London I will come to see you, the 
present tense, am, really denotes time future with reference to the speaker, 
time present relative to that of the principal verb. Similarly in the 
sentence, They that have done good shall come forth to the resurrection of 
life — have done is past, not with reference to the time of speaking, but 
to that of the principal verb. But such uses of tenses in English are 
merely permissible, not uniform. Shall have done would be more exact 
in the last sentence. Moreover, the rule as thus stated is false in principle, 
and not uniformly applicable in fact. It would require, e.g., that a 
Present Participle, standing in connection with an Aorist verb, should be 
rendered by an English Present, instead of by an English Past as it 
should usually be. See John 2 : 16 ; Acts 10 : 35. 



THE FUTXJKE PAETIOIPLE. 

152. The Future Participle represents an action as 
future from the point of view of the principal verb. HA. 
856; (7.1288. 



THE PERFECT PARTICIPLE. 



71 



Acts. 24 : 11 ; ov ttXciqvs eicriV pot rj/xepai StoSeKa a<j> rjs avefSrjv irpoo~Kv- 
vrj(JOiv as ^lepovo-aXrjp., it is not more than twelve days since I went 
up to worship at Jerusalem. 

1 Cor. 15 : 37 ; ov to aw/xa to yevrjcrofxevov cnretpeis, thou sowest not the 
body that shall be. 

Eem. The Future Participle is of later origin than the participles of 
the other tenses, and is a clearly marked exception to the general time- 
lessness of the participle. While its function was probably not primarily 
temporal, the relations which it expressed necessarily suggested subse- 
quence to the action of the principal verb, and hence gave to the tense a 
temporal force. Del. iv. pp. 97 ff. ; Br. 163. 

153. The Present Participle /xc'AAwv followed by an Infini- 
tive of another verb is used as a periphrasis for a Future 
Participle of the latter verb, but with a somewhat different 
range of use. To express that which is to take place, either 
form may be used. But fxeXXwv is not used to express the 
purpose of an action, and is used, as the Future Participle is 
not, to express intention without designating the intended 
action as the purpose of another act. See John 12 : 4 (cf . John 
6 : 64) ; Acts 18 : 14 ; 20 : 3, 7. 

THE PEEFEOT PAETIOIPLE. 

154. The Perfect Participle is used of completed ac- 
tion. Like the Perfect Indicative it may have reference 
to the past action and the resulting state or only to the 
resulting state. The time of the resulting state is usually 
that of the principal verb. HA. 856 ; G. 1288. 

Acts 10:17; ol avSpe? ol aTreaTaXpevoi . . . €7recrr^o"av €7U rbv TrvXwva, 

the men who had been sent . . . stood before the gate. 
Rom. 15 : 14 ; ttzttXt) pwpevoi 7racr^9 rrjs yvcocrecos, filled with all knowledge. 
Luke 8:46; cyvcoj/ 8vvap.iv i$eXr)XvOvLav a.7r £p.ov, I perceived that power 

had gone forth from me. 



72 



THE TENSES. 



155. The Perfect Participle stands in two passages of the New Testa- 
ment as the predicate of the participle uc. The effect is of a Perfect 
Participle clearly marked as one of existing state. See Eph. 4:18; 
Col. 1:21. 

156. The Perfect Participle is occasionally used as a Plu- 
perfect to denote a state existing antecedent to the time of the 
principal verb. The action of which it is the result is, of 
course, still earlier. 

John 11 : 44 ; i£r}\6ev 6 TeOvrjKus hehefxevos tovs 7ro8as kol ras \€ tpas 
jceipuus, he that was [or had been] dead came forth bound hand and 
foot with grave-clothes. See also Mark 5 : 15, iaxrjKOTa, noting the 
Present Participle in the same verse and the Aorist Participle 
in v. 18 ; also 1 Cor. 2 : 7, a7roK€Kpvfxixivnv, comparing v. 10. 



THE MOODS. 



MOODS IN PRINCIPAL CLAUSES. 

THE INDICATIVE MOOD. 

157. The Indicative is primarily the mood of the un- 
qualified assertion or simple question of fact. HA. 865 ; 

a. i3i7. 

John 1:1; iv dpxu V v ° ^-oyos, in the beginning was the Word. 

Mark 4:7; kcu Kapirov ovk ZSwKev, and it yielded no fruit. 

Matt. 2:2; irov iarlv 6 Tenets /ifacriAeus to>v 'IodScuW, where is he 

that is born King of the Jews ? 
John 1 : 38 ; rL ^tcitc, what are ye seeking ? 

158. The Indicative has substantially the same assertive 
force in many principal clauses containing qualified assertions. 
The action is conceived of as a fact, though the assertion of 
the fact is qualified. 

John 13 : 8; iav p.r) vli[/(d o~e, ovk cx els /^po? p-tT ipiov, if I ivash thee not, 
thou hast no part with me. 

159. («) When qualified by particles such as av, eWe, etc., 
the Indicative expresses various shades of desirability, improb- 
ability, etc. Respecting these secondary uses of the Indicative 
in principal clauses, see 26, 27, 248. 

(b) Respecting the uses of the Future Indicative in other 
than a purely assertive sense, see 67, 69, 70. 

73 



74 



THE MOODS. 



(c) Respecting the uses of the Indicative in subordinate 
clauses, see 185-360, passim. 

Rem. The uses of the Indicative described in 157 and 158 are substan- 
tially the same in English and in Greek and occasion no special difficulty 
to the English interpreter of Greek. The uses referred to in 159 exhibit 
more difference between Greek and English, and each particular usage 
requires separate consideration. 

THE SUBJUNCTIVE MOOD, 

The uses of the Subjunctive in principal clauses are as 
follows : 

160. The Hortatory Subjunctive. The Subjunctive 
is used in the first person plural in exhortations, the 
speaker thus exhorting others to join him in the doing of 
an action. HA. 866, 1 ; &: 1344 ; B. p. 209 ; WM. p. 355 ; 
GMT. 255, 256. 

Heb. 12 : 1 ; St* v7ro/jLOvr)<; Tpe^co/xev rov TrpoKe.Lfxt.vov rjplv dywva, let us 

run with patience the race that is set before us. 
1 John 4:7; aya.7rr)T0L, dya7ru>/>i€v aWrjXovs, beloved, let us love one 
another. 

161. Occasionally the first person singular is used with 
d^es or hcvpo prefixed, the exhortation in that case becoming a 
request of the speaker to the person addressed to permit him 
to do something. 

Matt. 7:4; d^es ii</3d\a) to Kap<f>o<; i< tov o^OaXfxov aov, let me cast 
out the mote out of thine eye. See also Luke 6 : 42 ; Acts 7 : 34. 

The sense of <x0es in Matt. 27 : 49 and of a^ere in Mark 15 : 36 is doubt- 
ful (see R.V. ad loc. and Th., a<f>lritu, 2, E.). 

In Matt. 21 : 38 (Mark 12:7) Sevre is prefixed to a hortatory first per- 
son plural without affecting the meaning of the Subjunctive. 



THE SUBJUNCTIVE. 



75 



In none of these cases is a conjunction to be supplied before the Sub- 
junctive. Cf. the use of aye, <pepe, etc., in classical Greek. G.MT. 257 ; 
B. p. 210 ; WM. p. 356. 

162. The Prohibitory Subjunctive. The Aorist Sub- 
junctive is used in the second person with fir] to express a 
prohibition or a negative entreaty. HA. 866, 2 ; G. 1346 ; 
GMT. 259. 

Matt. 6 : 34 ; p.rj ovv ixepifxvrjarjTt ets rrjv avpLov, be not therefore anxious 
for the morrow. 

Heb. 3:8; firj crKX-qpvvnre. tol<s KapoYas vfxiov, harden not your hearts. 
Matt. 6 : 13 ; koX p.rj dcreveyKrjs 7}p,as ets 7reipacrp:6v, and bring us not into 
temptation. 

163. Prohibitions are expressed either by the Aorist Sub- 
junctive or by the Present Imperative, the only exceptions 
being a few instances of the third person Aorist Imperative 
with p.rj. The difference between an Aorist Subjunctive with 
pL-q and a Present Imperative with p,rj is in the conception of 
the action as respects its progress. HA. 874. Thus 

164. (a) The Aorist Subjunctive forbids the action as a 
simple event with reference to the action as a whole or to its 
inception, and is most frequently used when the action has 
not been begun. 

Acts 18 : 9 ; XdXei kol pvq o-i(i)7rrj(Tr)s, speak and hold not thy peace. 
Rev. 7:3; prj dSiK^anre rrjv yrjv, hurt not the earth. 

165. (6) The Present Imperative (180-184) forbids the 
continuance of the action, most frequently when it is already 
in progress ; in this case, it is a demand to desist from the 
action. 

Mark 6 : 50; iyu> dpi, pcrj <po/3eicr6e, it is I, be not afraid. 
John 5 : 14; p.r)K£TL dpaprave, sin no more. 



76 



THE MOODS. 



When the action is not yet begun, it enjoins continued 
abstinence from it. 

Mark 13 : 21 ; kcu totc idv rts vulv ei7rr) "iSe wSe 6 ^pto-ros 

e/cei, firj ttlctt evert, and then if any man shall say unto you, Lo, here 
is the Christ; or, Lo, there; believe it not. Cf. Matt. 24:23. 

166. The Prohibitory Subjunctive occurs rarely in the third 
person. 1 Cor. 16 : 11 ; 2 Thess. 2 : 3. 

167. The strong negative, ov urj, occurs rarely in prohibi- 
tions with the Aorist Subjunctive. 

Matt. 13 : 14 and Acts 28 : 26, from Septuagint, Isa. 6 : 9, are probably 
to be understood as prohibitory (as in the Hebrew of the passage in Isa.), 
rather than emphatically predictive, as in R.V. Cf. Gen. 3 : 1, ov m (pdy-qre, 
which is clearly prohibitory. GMT. 297. Cf. 162. 

In Matt. 21 : 19, on the other hand, the emphatic predictive sense, there 
shall be no fruit from thee henceforward forever, is more probable, being 
more consistent with general usage and entirely appropriate to the con- 
text. The imperative rendering of the E.V. makes the passage doubly 
exceptional, the Imperative Subjunctive being rare in the third person, 
and ov fir) being unusual in prohibitions. 

168. The Deliberative Subjunctive. The Subjunctive 
is used in deliberative questions and in rhetorical questions 
having reference to the future. HA. 866, 3; 6r. 1358. 

Luke 3 : 10 ; ri ovv 7roo/cra>/Aev, what then shall tee do ? 
Luke 11 : 5; tis c£ vuwv egei cj>{Xov • • • kcu elirrj aura), ivhich of you 
shall have a friend . . . and shall say to him ? 

169. Questions may be classified as questions of fact and 
questions of deliberation. In the question of fact the speaker 
asks what is (or was or will be). In the question of delibera- 
tion, the speaker asks what he is to do, or what is to be done ; 
it concerns not fact but possibility, desirability, or necessity. 
But questions may be classified also as interrogative or real 
questions, and rhetorical questions. The former makes a real 



THE SUBJUNCTIVE. 



77 



inquiry (for information or advice) ; the latter is a rhetorical 
substitute for an assertion, often equivalent to a negative 
answer to itself, or, if the question is negative, to a positive 
answer. 

Since both questions of fact and questions of deliberation 
may be either interrogative or rhetorical, it results that there 
are four classes of questions that require to be distinguished 
for purposes of interpretation. 

(a) The interrogative question of fact. 

Matt. 16:13; two. Xiyovaiv oi av6pu)7roi eivat rbv vlov rov dvOpw-rrov, 

who do men say that the Son of man is ? See also Mark 16:3; 
John 7 : 45 ; Acts 17 : 18. 

(b) The rhetorical question of fact. 

1 Cor. 9:1; ovk dpi a7r6(TTo\os, am I not an apostle ? 

Luke 23 : 31 ; 6Vi et ev vypw £v\(o ravra ttolovctlv, iv to) £wp<$ tl yevrjTat, 

for if they do these things in a green tree, what will be done in the dry ? 
See also Luke 11 : 5; 16 : 11. 

(c) The interrogative deliberative question. 

Mark 12 : 14 ; Sw/xev, ^ pJrj ow/xev, shall we give, or shall we not give ? See 
also Matt. 6 : 31 ; 18 : 21 ; Luke 22 : 49. 

(d) The rhetorical deliberative question. 

Rom. 10:14; 7rco<; ovv e7riKaA.e'crcuvrat ei<? ov ovk iwiaTevo-av ; 7ra>s Se 
7ri<TTevo~<i)(Tiv ov ovk r/Kovo-av ,* . . . 7ruk Se K-qpv£u>o~iv iav py a7roo-Ta- 
\wo-lv, how then shall they call on him in whom they have not believed ? 
how shall they believe in him whom they have not heard ? . . . how 
shall they preach except they be sent ? See also Matt. 26 : 54 ; Luke 
14 : 34 ; John 6 : 68. 

Interrogative questions of fact, and rhetorical questions of 
fact having reference to the present or past, employ the tenses 
and moods as they are used in simple declarative sentences. 
Rhetorical questions of fact having reference to the future, 
and all deliberative questions, use either the Subjunctive or 
the Future Indicative. 



78 



THE MOODS. 



170. The verb of a deliberative question is most frequently 
in the first person; but occasionally in the second or third. 
Matt. 23 : 33 ; Born. 10 : 14. The verb of a rhetorical question 
may be of any person. 

171. The Deliberative Subjunctive is sometimes preceded 
by 6£\as, OeXerc, or (3ov\ea0e. No conjunction is to be supplied 
in these cases. The verb $£\av is sometimes followed by a 
clause introduced by ha, but Iva never occurs when the verb 
OeXeiv is in the second person, and the following verb in the 
first person, i.e. when the relations of the verbs are such as to 
make a Deliberative Subjunctive probable. 

Luke 22 : 9 ; 7rov #e'Aeis eroi/xacroo/xev, ivhere wilt thou that we make ready ? 
See also Matt. 26 : 17 ; 27 : 17, 21 ; Mark 10 : 36, 51 ; 14 : 12 ; 15:9; 
Luke 9 : 51 ; 18 : 41 ; 1 Cor. 4 : 21 (KB.), and cf . (tva) Matt. 7:12; 
Mark 6 : 25 ; Luke 6 : 31 ; 1 Cor. 14 : 5. 

172. The Subjunctive in Negative Assertions. The 

Aorist Subjunctive is used with ov /xtJ in the sense of an 
emphatic Future Indicative. HA. 1032; £.1360. 

Heb. 13 : 5 ; ov firj ere dvto ouS' ov ere eyKaTaAnreo, / will in no wise 
fail thee, neither will I in any wise forsake thee. See also Matt. 5:18; 
Mark 13 : 30 ; Luke 9 : 27, etfreq. Cf. Gild, in A.J. P. in. 202 f. 

Rem. In Luke 18 : 7 and Rev. 15:4 the Subjunctive with ov fir) is used 
in a rhetorical question. The Subjunctive may be explained as occasioned 
by the emphatic negative or by the rhetorical nature of the question. 

173. This emphatically predictive Subjunctive is of frequent occurrence 
in Hellenistic Greek. The Present Subjunctive is sometimes used with 
oi n-f) in classical Greek, but no instance occurs in the New Testament. 
Concerning the rare use of the Future with ou ^ see 66 ; cf. Gild. u.s. 



THE OPTATIVEo 



79 



THE OPTATIVE MOOD. 

174. The Optative Mood is much less frequent in the New- 
Testament, and in Hellenistic writers generally, than in clas- 
sical Greek. Cf. Harmon, The Optative Mood in Hellenistic 
Greek, in J.B.L. Dec. 1886. 

It is mainly confined to four uses, two of which are in prin- 
cipal clauses. 

175. The Optative of Wishing. The Optative is used 
without av to express a wish. HA. 870 ; G. 1507. 

1 Pet. 1:2; ^apis vfilv kol dprjvri TrXyjOvvBu-q, grace to you and peace 

be multiplied. 

2 Thess. 3 : 16 ; avros Se 6 Kvptos ttjs elprjvr) 1 ; Sior] v/xlv rrjv elprjvrjv, 
now the Lord of peace himself give you peace. 

176. The Optative of Wishing occurs thirty-five times in the New 
Testament : Mark 11 : 14 ; Luke 1 : 38 ; 20 : 16 ; Acts 8 : 20 ; Rom. 3:4; 
3:6; 3 : 31 ; 6 : 2, 15 ; 7 : 7, 13 ; 9 : 14 ; 11 : 1, 11 ; 15 : 5, 13 ; 1 Cor. 6 : 15 ; 
Gal. 2 : 17 ; 3 : 21 ; 6 : 14 ; 1 Thess. 3 : 11, 12 ; 5 : 23 ; 2 Thess. 2 : 17 ; 3:5, 
16 ; 2 Tim. 1 : 16, 18 ; Philem. 20 ; Heb. 13 : 21 ; 1 Pet. 1 : 2 ; 2 Pet. 1:2; 
always, except Philem. 20, in the third person singular. It most frequently 
expresses a prayer. Mark 11 : 14 and Acts 8 : 20 are peculiar in being im- 
precations of evil. 

177. The phrase /ultj yhono is an Optative of Wishing which strongly 
deprecates something suggested by a previous question or assertion. 
Fourteen of the fifteen New Testament instances are in Paul's writings, 
and in twelve of these it expresses the apostle's abhorrence of an inference 
which he fears may be (falsely) drawn from his argument. Cf. Mey. 
on Rom. 3 : 4, and Ltft. on Gal. 2 : 17. On Gal. 6 : 14 cf. 1 Mace. 9 : 10. 

178. The Potential Optative. The Optative with av 
is used to express what would happen on the fulfilment of 
some supposed condition. It is thus an apodosis correla- 



80 



THE MOODS. 



tive to a protasis expressed or implied. It is usually to be 
translated by the English Potential. HA. 872 ; Q. 1327 fL 

Acts 8:31 ; 7reos yap av hvvaijxrjv iav p.r) tis oSrjyrjcreL fxc, how should I be 

able unless some one shall guide me f 
Acts 17 : 18 ; rl av OiXoi 6 (nrep/xoXoyos ovtos Aeyeiv, what would this 
babbler wish to sayf 

179. The Optative with &v occurs in the New Testament only in Luke's 
writings : Luke *1 : 62 ; *6 : 11 ; *9 : 46 ; [*15 : 26 ; 18 : 36 J ; Acts *5 : 24 ; 
t8 : 31 ; *10 : 17 ; fl7 : 18 ; [26 : 29]. Of these instances the six marked 
with * are in indirect questions ; the two marked with t are in direct 
questions ; those in brackets are of doubtful text ; others still more 
doubtful might be added. In only one instance (Acts 8 : 31) is the con- 
dition expressed. 

THE IMPEEATIVE MOOD. 

180. The Imperative Mood is used in commands and 
exhortations. HA. 873 ; G-. 1342. 

Matt. 5 : 42 ; tw cutovvtl ere So?, give to him that asketh thee. 
1 Thess. 5 : 19 ; to 7rvev/xa fir) crficvvvTe, quench not the spirit. 

Rem. Respecting other methods of expressing a command, see 67, 
160-167, 364. 

181. The Imperative Mood is also used in entreaties and 
petitions. 

Mark 9 : 22 ; dAA' et rt Sw#, /3orj6r}aov rjplv cnrXayxyicrOeis icj> 17/xas, 
but if thou canst do anything, have compassion on us and help us. 

Luke 17 : 5 ; kol el-n-av ol awocrToXoL rw Kvpto) UpoaOes rjixiv tticttiv, 
and the apostles said to the Lord, Increase our faith. 

John 17 : 11 ; 7rdrep ayte, Trjprjaov avrovs iv ra> ovoyuari aov, holy 
Father, keep them in thy name. 

182. The Imperative Mood is also used to express con- 
sent, or merely to propose an hypothesis. 



FINITE MOODS IN SUBORDINATE CLAUSES. 



81 



Matt. 8:31, 32; ol Se Scu/xoves TraptKoXovv avrov Aeyovre? Ei ii</3d\.- 
Aeis 17/U.as, aTTOcrreiXov rjpLas as ttjv ayiX-qv roiv xolpoiv. kox txirev 
avTOis 'Y7rayere, and the demons besought him saying, If thou cast 
us out, send us away into the herd of swine. And he said unto 
them, Go. 

John 2:19; ajr^KpiBin \r\<Jov<i kox ei7rev avrots Avaare tov vaov tovtov 
koX [ev] rpioiv rjfxepaLs iyepto avrov, Jesus answered and said unto 
them, Destroy this temple, and in three days I will raise it up. 

1 Cor. 7 : 36 ; koli (a) oiTrws o^et'Aei yivecrdai, 6 OeXei '/rotetra) • ov% 
apja.pra.vw yap-clraxrav, and if need so require, let him do what he 
will; he sinneth not; let them marry. 

183. An Imperative suggesting a hypothesis may or may 
not retain its imperative or hortatory force. 

Luke 6 : 37 ; /xt) Kpivere, kox ov p,rj KpiOrjre, judge not, and ye shall not 
be judged. Cf. John 2 : 19, above. 

184. Any tense of the Imperative may be used in positive 
commands, the distinction of force being that of the tenses of 
the dependent moods in general. Cf. 95 ff. In prohibitions, 
on the other hand, the use of the Imperative is confined almost 
entirely to the Present tense. A few instances only of the 
Aorist occur. Cf. 163. 



FINITE MOODS IN SUBORDINATE CLAUSES. 

185. Many subordinate clauses employ the moods and 
tenses with the same force that they have in principal 
clauses. Others, however, give to the mood or tense a force 
different from that which they usually have in principal 
clauses. Hence arises the necessity for special treatment of 
the moods and tenses in subordinate clauses. Principal clauses 
also require discussion in so far as their mood or tense affects 
or is affected by the subordinate clauses which limit them. 



82 



THE MOODS. 



186. Clauses considered as elements of the sentence may be classified 
as follows : 

I. Substantive . 

(1) As subject or predicate nominative (211-214, 357-360). 

(2) As object in indirect discourse (334-356). 

(3) As object after verbs of exhorting, etc. (200-204). 

(4) As object after verbs of striving, etc. (205-210). 

(5) As object after verbs of fear and danger (224-227). 

II. Adjective. 

(1) Appositive (211, 213). 

(2) Relative (289-333, in part). 

(3) Definitive (215, 216, in part). 

III. Adverbial, denoting 

(1) Time (289-316, in part ; 321-333). 

(2) Place (289-316, in part). 

(3) Condition (238-277, 296-315). 

(4) Concession f 278-288). 

(5) Cause (228-233, 294). 

(6) Purpose ([188-196], 197-199, 317). 

(7) Indirect object, etc. (215, 217, in part ; 318, 319). 

(8) Result (218, 219, 234-237). 

(9) Manner (217, 289-316, in part). 

(10) Comparison, expressing equality or inequality (289-316, 
in part) . 

Rem. Conditional relative clauses introduced by relative pronouns, 
and relative clauses denoting cause and purpose introduced in the same 
way, partake at the same time of the nature of adjective and of adverbial 
clauses. 

187. The arrangement of the matter in the following sections (188- 
347) is not based upon a logical classification of clauses, such as is indi- 
cated in the preceding section, but in part on genetic relationships, and 
in part on considerations of practical convenience. The following is the 
general order of treatment : 



Moods in clauses introduced by final particles . 

Moods in clauses of cause 

Moods in clauses of result 



188-227. 
228-233. 
234-237. 



CLAUSES INTRODUCED BY FINAL PARTICLES. 83 



Moods in conditional sentences 238-277. 

Moods in concessive sentences 278-288. 

Moods in relative clauses 289-333. 

Definite relative clauses 292-295. 

Conditional relative clauses 296-316. 

Relative clauses expressing purpose . . . . 317-320. 

Relative clauses introduced by 2ws, etc. . . 321-333. 

Indirect Discourse 334-356. 

Construction after nal eyevero, etc. 357-360. 



MOODS Iff CLAUSES INTKODUCED BY FINAL PAKTICLES. 

188. Classification. Under the general head of clauses 
introduced by final particles are included in New Testament 
Greek : 

(1) Pure final clauses. 

(2) Object clauses after verbs of exhorting, etc. 

(3) Object clauses after verbs of striving, etc. 

(4) Object clauses after verbs of fearing. 

(5) Subject, predicate, and appositive clauses. 

(6) Complementary and epexegetic clauses. 

(7) Clauses of conceived result. 

189. General Usage. The relations expressed by the 
clauses enumerated in 188 are in classical Greek expressed 
in various ways, but, in the New Testament, these differ- 
ences have, by a process of assimilation, to a considerable 
extent disappeared. Clauses modeled after final clauses 
take the place of Infinitives in various relations ; the Opta- 
tive disappears from this class of clauses ; the distinction be- 
tween the Subjunctive and the Future Indicative is par- 
tially ignored. It results that the seven classes of clauses 
named above conform in general to one rule, viz. : 



84 



THE MOODS. 



Clauses introduced by a final particle usually employ the 
Subjunctive after both primary and secondary tenses, less 
frequently the Future Indicative. 

Kem. Concerning the Present Indicative after iva, see 198, Rem. 

190. Final Particles. The New Testament employs as 
final particles iva, g7tg>9, and /juij. 

Rem. The usage of the final particles in classical Greek is elaborately- 
discussed by Weber in Schanz, Beitrage zur historischen Syntax der 
griechischen Sprache, Hefte IV., V., and by Gild, (on the basis of Weber's 
work) in A.J. P. IV. 416 ft, VI. 53 ff. 

191. New Testament Use of Iva. "Iva. occurs very fre- 
quently in the New Testament, and with a greater variety of 
usage than in classical Greek. Not only does it assume in 
part the functions which in classical Greek belonged to the 
other final particles, but clauses introduced by it encroach 
largely upon the function of the Infinitive. This extension 
of the use of Iva. is one of the notable characteristics of the 
Greek of the New Testament and of all later Greek. "Iva oc- 
curs in the New Testament in 

(1) Pure final clauses. 

(2) Object clauses after verbs of exhorting, etc. 

(3) Object clauses after verbs of striving, etc. 

(4) Subject, predicate, and appositive clauses. 

(5) Complementary and epexegetic clauses. 

(6) Clauses of conceived result. 

Of these clauses, the first class is the only one that regularly 
employs Iva in classical Greek. Cf. 6r.MT. 311. 

192. New Testament Use of ottoj?. "Ottws occurs in the 
New Testament, as in classical Greek, in 



CLAUSES INTRODUCED BY FINAL PARTICLES. 85 



(1) Pure final clauses. 

(2) Object clauses after verbs of exhorting, etc. 

(3) Object clauses after verbs of striving, etc. Cf. GMT. 
313. 

193. New Testament Use of Mtj is used in the New 
Testament, as in classical Greek, in 

(1) Pure final clauses. 

(2) Object clauses after verbs of striving, etc. 

(3) Object clauses after verbs of fearing. Cf. GMT. 
307-310, 339, 352. 

194. e Os, which occurs as a final particle in classical prose, 
appears in a final clause in the New Testament in only one 
passage and that of doubtful text, Acts 20 : 24. *0<j>pa, which 
was used as a final particle in epic and lyric poetry, does not 
occur in the New Testament. Cf. GMT. 312, 314. 

195. In classical Greek, final clauses and object clauses after verbs 
of striving, etc., frequently have Situs av or ws &v. 6r.MT. 328; Meist. 
p. 212. According to Gild. &v gives to the clause, except in the formal 
language of inscriptions, a relative or conditional force, 6ttws av being 
equivalent to tjp ttus. A.J. P. iv. pp. 422, 425; vi. pp. 53-73 ; L. and S. 
6-rrojs. In the New Testament 6'7rws &v occurs four times (ottos alone forty- 
nine times), always in a final clause proper. In Luke 2 : 35 ; Acts 3 : 19 ; 
15 : 17 the contingent color may perhaps be detected ; but in Rom. 3 : 4, 
quoted from the Septuagint, it is impossible to discover it. 

196. "07rws after verbs of fearing, which is found occasionally in 
classical Greek, does not occur in the New Testament. 

197. Pure Final Clauses. A pure final clause is one 
whose office is to express the purpose of the action stated 
in the predicate which it limits. 

In classical Greek, final clauses take the Subjunctive 



86 



THE MOODS. 



after primary tenses ; after secondary tenses either the 
Optative or the Subjunctive. HA. 881 ; Gr. 1365. 

In the New Testament, the Optative does not occur. 
The Subjunctive is regularly used after primary and sec- 
ondary tenses alike. 

Matt. 7:1; fir) Kpivere, tva fir) Kpi&rjre, judge not, that ye he not judged. 
Rom. 1:11; i-n-nroQC) yap i8eiv vfias, tva rt ficTabw papier fia vfitv ttvcv- 
fjua.TLK.6v, for I long to see you, that I may impart unto you some spiritual 

gift- 

Rom. 9 : 17 ; cis avrb tovto l^rjyeipa ae 07rw? ev8ei£(o/mi iv aol rr)v 

Svvafxtv fxov, for this very purpose did I raise thee up that I might 

show in thee my power. 
Acts 28 : 27 ; /ecu tows 6cf>0a\fiovs olvtojv iKKafifivcrav ' fir) irore tBwriv 

Tots 6<j>0a\fxoi<i, and their eyes they have closed ; lest haply they should 

perceive with their eyes. 

198. Pure final clauses occasionally take the Future Indica- 
tive in the New Testament as in classical Greek. HA. SSI, c ; 
G. 1366 ; B. pp. 234 f. ; WM. pp. 360 f. ; WT. pp. 289 f. 

Luke 20 : 10 ; d7r€OTeiAev 7rpo? rous yeoopyous hovkov, Iva. . . . Bwaovcriv, 

he sent to the husbandmen a servant, that they might give. See also 199. 

Rem. Some MSS. give a Present Indicative after tva in John 5 : 20 ; 
Gal. 6 : 12 ; Tit. 2:4; Rev. 12 : 6 ; 13 : 17. In 1 John 5 : 20 yivdxnco/jLep is 
probably pregnant in force, "that we may know, and whereby we do 
know." ZrjXovre in Gal. 4:17, and (pvo-iovade in 1 Cor. 4 : 6 are regarded 
by Hart (WH. II. App. p. 167), Schmiedel (WS. p. 52), and Blass 
(Grammatik, p. 207), as Subjunctives. On John 17 : 3 see 213, Rem. 

199. The Future Indicative occurs in pure final clauses in classical 
Greek chiefly after oirws, rarely after nf), ws, and 6cppa, never after tva. 
6r.MT. 324; Weber, u.s. ; Gild. u.s. The New Testament instances are 
chiefly after tva ; a few instances occur after y.-f] (/xrjwoTe) and one after 8irws. 
The manuscripts show not a few variations between Subjunctive and Future 
Indicative, and both forms are sometimes found together, after the same 
conjunction. The following passages contain the Future, or both Future 
and Subjunctive : Matt. 7:6; 13 : 15 ; Mark 14 : 2 ; Luke 14 : 10 ; 20 : 10 ; 
John 7:3; 17:2; Acts 21 : 24 ; 28 : 27 ; Rom. 3:4; Gal. 2 : 4 ; 1 Pet. 3 : 1. 



CLAUSES INTRODUCED BY FINAL PARTICLES. 87 



200. Object Clauses after Verbs of Exhorting", etc. 

In classical Greek, verbs of exhorting, commanding, entreat- 
ing, and persuading are sometimes followed by an object 
clause instead of the more usual Infinitive. Such a clause 
usually employs oirm and the Future Indicative, sometimes 
the Subjunctive. (7.1373; Cr.MT. 355. 

In the New Testament, object clauses after such verbs 
are frequent ; they use both tva and oVo)? ; and employ 
the Subjunctive to the exclusion of the Future Indicative. 

Mark 5:18; iraptKaku avrov 6 Sat/xovtcr^et? tva /xer avrov >J, he ivho 
had been possessed ivith a demon besought him that he might be with him. 

Luke 10 : 2 ; Se-qOrjre ovv rov Kvptov rov Oepiar/xov o7ra>s epyaras iK/3d\.r} 
ets tov OepLa/xov avrov, pray ye therefore the Lord of the harvest that 
he semi forth laborers into his harvest. See also Matt. 4:3; 14 : 36 ; 
16 : 20; Acts 23 : 15; 1 Cor. 1 : 10 ; 2 Cor. 8:6; Mark 13 : 18 
(cf. Matt. 24 : 20) ; Luke 22 : 46 (cf . v. 40). 

Rem. In Eph. 1 : 17 dibrj (Subjunctive) should be read rather than 5^77 
(Optative). Cf. 225, Rem. 2. 

201. The use of tva in an object clause after a verb of exhorting is 
almost unknown in classical Greek. G.MT. 357. In the New Testament 
tva occurs much more frequently than Sttojs in such clauses. 

202. The regular construction in classical Greek after verbs 
of exhorting, etc., is the Infinitive. This is also in the New 
Testament the most frequent construction, occurring nearly 
twice as often as the Iva and oVw? clauses. KeAeuw and the 
compounds of toWgj take only the Infinitive. 'Evre'AAo/xat 
employs both constructions. 

203. Under the head of verbs of exhorting, etc., is to be in- 
cluded the verb OeXo) when used with reference to a command 
or request addressed to another. It is frequently followed by 
an object clause introduced by ha. Here also belongs the verb 



88 



THE MOODS. 



d-Kov, used in the sense of command; also such phrases as 

Ka/x7TTco ra yo'vara (Eph. 3 : 14), and p.veiav iroiov[xa.i lirl to>v 
-n-poo-evx^v (Eph. 1:16; Philem. 4; cf. Col. 4:12), which are 
paraphrases for rrpoa-eyxo/xaL. 

204. In many cases a clause or Infinitive after a verb of commanding 
or entreating may be regarded as a command indirectly quoted. It is 
then a species of indirect discourse, though not usually included under 
that head. Cf . 337, and GMT. 684. Matt. 16 : 20 ; Mark 9:9; 13 : 34. 

205. Object Clauses after Verbs of Striving-, etc. In 

classical Greek, verbs signifying to strive for, to take care, 
to plan, to effect, are followed by oirm with the Future 
Indicative, less frequently the Subjunctive, after both pri- 
mary and secondary tenses. HA. 885 ; 6r. 1372. 

In the New Testament, the Subjunctive occurs more 
frequently than the Future Indicative, and iva more fre- 
quently than 07r&)9. 

John 12 : 10 ; i/3ov\evcravTO Se ol dpx te P e ^ " va Kat T ° v Aa£apov atro- 
KTeiviocnv, but the chief priests took counsel to put Lazarus also to death. 

Rev. 3:9; IBov Troirjvoi avrovs Iva -rj^ovatv Kat TrpocrKVvrjcrovcnv ivo)7nov 
to)v 7ro8a>v (tov, Ken yvwcriv on eya) rjya.7rrj<jd ere, behold, I will make 
them to come and worship before thy feet, and to know that 1 have loved 
thee. See also 1 Cor. 16 : 10 ; Col. 4 : 16, 17 ; Rev. 13 : 12, 16. 

206. When the object clause after a verb meaning to care 
for, to take heed, is negative, classical Greek sometimes uses 
PLY] (instead of oVus p.rj) with the Subjunctive, or less fre- 
quently with the Future Indicative. G. 1375; GMT. 354. 
This is the common New Testament usage. See Matt. 24 : 4; 
Acts 13 : 40 ; 1 Cor. 8 : 9 ; 10 : 12 ; Gal. 6:1; Col. 2 : 8 ; 1 Thess. 
5:15; Heb. 3:12. 

"Ottws pit] with the Future in classical Greek, and Iva p,rj with 
the Subjunctive in New Testament Greek, also occur. John 
11 : 37; 2 John 8. 



CLAUSES INTRODUCED BY FINAL PARTICLES. 89 



207. "Oirus occurs in the New Testament in such clauses (205) only 
in Matt. 12 : 14 ; 22 : 15 ; Mark 3 : 6, and in all these cases after a phrase 
meaning to plan. The clause thus closely approximates an indirect de- 
liberative question. Cf. Mark 11 : 18. See Th. forus, II. 2. 

208. The Optative sometimes occurs in classical Greek after a 
secondary tense of verbs of striving, etc., but is not found in the New 
Testament. 

209. It is sometimes difficult to say with certainty whether yvf] with 
the Subjunctive after 6'pa or Spare is an objective clause or an independent 
Prohibitory Subjunctive. In classical Greek the dependent construction 
was already fully developed (cf. G.WT. 354, 307) ; and though in the 
New Testament opa is sometimes prefixed to the Imperative (Matt. 9: 30; 
24:6), showing that the paratactic construction is still possible, p.rj with 
the Subjunctive in such passages as Matt. 18 : 10 ; 1 Thess. 5 : 15 is best 
regarded as constituting an object clause. 

M17 with the Subjunctive after pxtirw is also probably to be regarded as 
dependent. It is true that fiXi-trw does not take an objective clause in 
classical Greek, that in the New Testament only the Imperative of this 
verb is followed by a clause defining the action to be done or avoided, and 
that in a few instances the second verb is an Aorist Subjunctive in the 
second person with fir), and might therefore be regarded as a Prohib- 
itory Subjunctive (Luke 21:8; Gal. 5:15; Heb. 12:25). Yet in a 
larger number of cases the verb is in the third person (Matt. 24 : 4 ; Mark 
13 : 5 ; Acts 13 : 40 ; 1 Cor. 8 : 9, etc.), and in at least one instance is in- 
troduced by tva (1 Cor. 16 : 10). This indicates that we have not a coor- 
dinate imperative expression, but a dependent clause. In Col. 4 : 17 
/3Xe'7re, and in 2 John 8 /3\67rere, is followed by tva with the Subjunctive ; 
the clause in such case being probably objective, but possibly pure final. 
In Heb. 3 : 12 the Future Indicative with ^77 is evidently an objective 
clause. 

Rem. Concerning Luke 11 : 35, see B. p. 243 ; WM. p. 374, foot-note, 
and p. 631 ; WT. p. 503 ; Th. ni, III. 2 ; R.V. ad loc. 

210. Verbs of striving, etc., may also take the Infinitive as 
object. With Matt. 26 : 4, and John 11 : 53, cf. Acts 9 : 23 ; 
with Eev. 13 : 12 cf. 13 : 13. 

The verbs £^rca> and atpcy/xL, which are usually followed by 



90 



THE MOODS. 



an Infinitive, are each followed in one instance by iW with, the 
Subjunctive. See Mark 11 : 16 ; 1 Cor. 14 : 12 ; cf. also 1 Cor. 
4:2. 

211. Subject, Predicate, and Appositive Clauses intro- 
duced by iva. Clauses introduced by iva are frequently 
used in the New Testament as subject, predicate, or appos- 
itive, with a force closely akin to that of an Infinitive. 
The verb is usually in the Subjunctive, less frequently in 
the Future Indicative. 

These clauses may be further classified as follows : 

212. (a) Subject of the passive of verbs of exhorting, 
striving, etc., which in the active take such a clause as object, 
and of other verbs of somewhat similar force. Cf. 200, 205. 

1 Cor. 4:2; t^rCirai iv rots olkovo/jlols Iva ttlcttos rt? tvpeOrj, it is 

required in stewards that a man be found faithful. 
Rev. 9:4; kou ippeOrj avTcus iva fir) ahiKifjcrovcnv rov ypp TOV Jl^i 
and it was said unto them that they should not hurt the grass of the 
earth. See also Mark 9 : 12 (yeypa7nrai implies command or will) ; 
Rev. 9:5. 

213. (6) Subject, Predicate, or Appositive with nouns 
of various significance, especially such as are cognate with the 
verbs which take such a clause as object, and with pronouns, 
the clause constituting a definition of the content of the noun 
or pronoun. 

John 4 : 34 ; ipov (3po)p.d icrriv iva 7roLrjao) to OeXrjpa rov 7re/xi/wros 

/xe Kat TeAaaxra) to epyov avrov, my meat is to do the will of him 

that sent me and to accomplish his work. 
John 15:12; avrn ecrriv r) evroAr) i) ipy. iva dya7rare dAA^Aov?, this 

is my commandment, that ye love one another. See also Luke 1 :43; 

John 6 : 29, 39, 40 ; 15 : 8, 13 ; 18 : 39 ; 1 Cor. 9 : 18 ; 1 John 3:1; 

2 John 6 ; 3 John 4. 



CLAUSES INTRODUCED BY FINAL PARTICLES. 



91 



Rem. The Present Indicative occurs in MSS. of John 17 : 3 and is 
adopted by Tisch. and Treg. (text). 

214. (c) Subject of phrases signifying it is profitable, it is 
sufficient, etc. 

Matt. 10:25; apKerov to> /jLaOrjTrj iva yivqraL ojs 6 SiScutkoAos olvtov, 

it is enough for the disciple that he be as his master. See also Matt. 
5 : 29, 30 ; 18 : 6 ; Luke 17 : 2 ; John 11 : 50 ; 16:7; 1 Cor. 4 : 3. 

215. Complementary and Epexegetic Clauses intro- 
duced by ha. Clauses introduced by Xva are used in the 
New Testament to express a complementary or epexegetic 
limitation, with a force closely akin to that of an Infinitive. 
The verb of the clause is usually in the Subjunctive, some- 
times in the Future Indicative. 

These clauses may be classified as follows : 

216. (a) Complementary limitation of nouns and adjec- 
tives signifying authority, power, fitness, need, set time, etc. 

Mark 11 : 28 ; rj ris ctol ISojkcv rrjv i^ovaiav Tavrrjv Iva. ravra 71-0177?, 

or who gave thee this authority to do these things ? 
John 12 : 23 ; £\r}X.vQe.v v) wpa iva. ho^aaQrj 6 vios tov avOpwirov, the 
hour is come that the Son of man should be glorified. See also Matt. 
8:8; Luke 7:6; John 1 : 27 ; 2 : 25 ; 16 : 2, 32 ; 1 John 2 : 27 ; 
Rev. 21 : 23. 

217. (b) Complementary or epexegetic limitation of verbs 
of various significance ; the clause defines the content, ground, 
or method of the action denoted by the verb, or constitutes an 
indirect object of the verb. 

John 8:56; 'A/3paa/x 6 -rarrjp tyxcov rjya\\ido~a.To iva iSg rrjv rj/xepav 
rrjv £p.rjv, your father Abraham rejoiced to see my day. 



92 



THE MOODS. 



Phil. 2:2; 7rX^pa)craTe fxov tyjv ^apav iva to avrb c^povqre, fulfil ye 
my joy, that ye be of the same mind. (See an Infinitive similarly 
used in Acts 15 : 10.) See also John 9 : 22 ; Gal. 2:9; in both 
these latter passages the Iva clause defines the content of the agree- 
ment mentioned in the preceding portion of the sentence. See also 
John 5 : 7. Cf. Martyr. Polyc. 10. 1. 

218. Clauses of Conceived Result introduced by Xva. 
Clauses introduced by Xva are used in the New Testament 
to express the conceived result of an action. 

John 9:2; tl<s rjfxaprev, ovtos rj ol yovet? olvtov, Iva Tv<j>\bs yevvnOrj, 
ivho did sin, this man or his parents, that he should be born blind f 

1 Thess. 5:4; v/xeis Se, <x$ek<f>o[, ovk ecrre iv <tk6t€l, Iva tj rjfiepa 
v/xas ws kA.€7tt(xs KaraAa/^, but ye, brethren, are not in darkness, that 
that day should overtake you as thieves. See also 1 John 1 : 9 (cf. 
Heb. 6 : 10 — Infinitive in similar construction) ; 2 Cor. 1 : 17 ; Rev. 
9 : 20 (cf. Matt. 21 : 32) ; 14 : 13; 22 : 14. 

219. The relation of thought between the fact expressed in 
the principal clause and that expressed in the clause of con- 
ceived result introduced by Iva is that of cause and effect, but 
it is recognized by the speaker that this relation is one of 
theory or inference rather than of observed fact. In some 
cases the effect is actual and observed, the cause is inferred. 
So, e.g., John 9:2. In other cases the cause is observed, the 
effect is inferred. So, e.g., 1 Thess. 5:4. In all the cases the 
action of the principal clause is regarded as the necessary con- 
dition of that of the subordinate clause, the action of the sub- 
ordinate clause as the result which is to be expected to follow 
from that of the principal clause. 

It is worthy of notice that in English the form of expres- 
sion which ordinarily expresses pure purpose most distinctly 
may also be used to express this relation of conceived result. 
We say, He must have suffered very severe losses in order to be 
so reduced in circumstances. Such forms of expression are 



CLAUSES INTRODUCED BY FINAL PARTICLES. 93 



probably the product of false analogy, arising from imitation 
of a construction which really expresses purpose. Thus in the 
sentence, He labored diligently in order to accumidate property, 
the subordinate clause expresses pure purpose. In the sen- 
tence, He must have labored diligently in order to accumulate 
such a property, the sentence may be so conceived that the sub- 
ordinate clause would express purpose, but it would usually 
mean rather that if he accumulated such a property he must 
have labored diligently ; that is, the property is conceived of 
as a result the existence of which proves diligent labor. This 
becomes still more evident if we say, He must have labored 
diligently to have accumulated such a property. But when we 
say, He must have suffered severe losses to have become so re- 
duced in circumstances, it is evident that the idea of purpose 
has entirely disappeared, and only that of inferred result 
remains. Actual result observed to be the effect of observed 
causes is not, however, thus expressed except by a rhetorical 
figure. With these illustrations from the English, compare 
the following from the Greek. Jas. 1:4; fj Se v-n-opiovr) Zpyov 
rekaov *x* T0) > * va V T€ T&eioL ko ^ oXokXyjpol, and let patience have 
its perfect work, that ye may be perfect and entire. Heb. 10 : 36 ; 
VTTOfxovrjs yap ^X eT€ XP^ av * va T ° @*X.r)p>a rov Qtov 7roirj(ravTe<; KOfxtarjaOe 
TTjv i-n-ayyeXtav, for ye have need of patience, that, having done the 
vjill of God, ye may receive the promise. In the first sentence 
the tva clause expresses the purpose of e^e'rw. In the second, 
though the purpose of v-rropiovrj is contained in the clause ha 
. . . iirayyeXi'av, yet the function of this clause in the sentence 
is not telic. Its office is not to express the purpose of the 
principal clause, but to set forth a result (conceived, not act- 
ual) of which the possession of vTrofxovrj is the necessary condi- 
tion. In John 9 : 2 the idiom is developed a step further, for 
in this case the tva clause in no sense expresses the purpose of 
the action of the principal clause, but a fact conceived to be 



94 



THE MOODS. 



the result of a cause concerning which the principal clause 
makes inquiry. 

This use of Iva. with the Subjunctive is closely akin in force 
to the normal force of wore with the Infinitive. Cf. 370, c, and 
especially GMT. 582-584. 

220. Some of the instances under 215-217 might be considered as ex- 
pressing conceived result, but the idiom has developed beyond the point 
of conceived result, the clause becoming a mere complementary limita- 
tion. The possible course of development may perhaps be suggested by 
examining the following illustrations : John 17:2; Mark 11 : 28 ; Luke 
7:6; 1 John 2 : 27. In the first case the clause probably expresses pure 
purpose. In the last the idea of purpose has altogether disappeared. 

221. In all these constructions, 211-218, which are distinct 
departures from classical usage, being later invasions of the 
ha clause upon the domain occupied in classical Greek by 
the Infinitive, the Infinitive remains also in use in the New 
Testament, being indeed in most of these constructions more 
frequent than the ha clause. 

222. There is no certain, scarcely a probable, instance in 
the New Testament of a clause introduced by Iva denoting 
actual result conceived of as such. 

Luke 9:45 probably expresses pure purpose (cf. Matt. 11: 25 ; WM. 
p. 574; WT. p. 459). Gal. 5 : 17 is also best explained as expressing the 
purpose of the hostility of the flesh and the Spirit, viewed, so far as the 
'iva clause is concerned, as a hostility of the flesh to the Spirit. So, ap- 
parently, R.V. Rev. 13 : 13 is the most probable instance of 'iva denoting 
actual result ; 'iva . . . iroiri is probably equivalent to ciVre -rroieiv, and is 
epexegetic of /xeydXa. It would be best translated, so as even to make. 

Respecting 'iva irXrjpcodrj, Matt. 1 : 22 and frequently in the first gospel, 
there is no room for doubt. The writer of the first gospel never uses 
iva to express result, either actual or conceived ; and that he by this 
phrase at least intends to express purpose is made especially clear by his 
employment of oirus (which is never ecbatic) interchangeably with iva. 
With 1 : 22 ; 2:15; 4 : 14 ; 12 : 17 ; 21 : 4 ; 20 : 56, cf. 2 : 23 ; 8 : 17 ; 13 : 35. 



CLAUSES INTRODUCED BY FINAL PARTICLES. 95 



223. Concerning the post-classical usage of tva in general see Jebb in 
Vincent and Dickson, Modern Greek, pp. 319-321. Concerning whether 
tva in the New Testament is always in the strict sense telic, and whether 
it is ever ecbatic (two distinct questions not always clearly distinguished) , 
see Meyer on Matt. 1 : 22 : u "lva ist niemals eK^ariKov, so class, sondern 
immer reXiKov, damit," — the first half of which is true, the second half 
far from true. Fritzsche on Matt. pp. 836 ff. ; WT. pp. 457-462 ; WM. 
pp. 573-578; B. pp. 235-240: "And although it [tva] never stands in 
the strict ecbatic sense (for wore with the finite verb), it has nevertheless 
here reached the very boundary line where the difference between the 
two relations (the telic and the ecbatic) disappears, and it is nearer to the 
ecbatic sense than to its original final sense. Necessary as the demand is, 
that in a systematic inquiry into the use of the particle, even within a 
comparatively restricted field, we should always make its original telic 
force, which is the only force it has in earlier Greek writers, our point 
of departure, and trace out thence the transitions to its diverse shades of 
meaning ; the interests of exegesis would gain very little, if in every in- 
dividual passage of the N.T. even (the language of which has already 
departed so far from original classic Greek usage) we should still take 
pains, at the cost of the simple and natural sense, and by a recourse to 
artificial means, always to introduce the telic force," p. 239. Hunzinger, 
"Die in der klassischen Gracitat nicht gebrauchliche finale Bedeutung 
der Partikel tva im neutestamentlichen Sprachgebrauch," in Zeitschrift 
fur Kirchliche Wissenschaft, 1883, pp. 632-643 — a valuable article which 
elaborately disproves its own conclusion — " dass tva im N.T. in alien 
Fallen final verstanden werden kann," unless a very broad and loose 
sense be given to the term final. 

224. Object Clauses after Verbs of Fear and Danger. 

In classical Greek, clauses after verbs of fear and danger 
employ fjurj with the Subjunctive after primary tenses ; the 
Optative, more rarely the Subjunctive, after secondary 
tenses. HA. 887 ; a. 1378. 

In the New Testament the Subjunctive only is used. 

2 Cor. 12 : 20 ; cj)o(3ov/xai yap fxrj 7tojs i\0o)v ovx oiovs OiXoi evpo) v/jlols, for 
I fear, lest by any means, when I come, I shall find you not such as I 
would. See also Acts 23 : 10 ; 27 : 29 ; 2 Cor. 11:3; Heb. 4 : 1. 

Rem. 1. Acts 5 : 26 may be understood as in K.V., rbv \a6v denoting 
the persons feared, and fir) \ida<rdQ<ri.v the thing feared (cf. the familiar 



96 



THE MOODS. 



idiom with oida illustrated in Mark 1 : 24 ; see also Gal. 4 : 11), so that the 
meaning would be expressed in English by translating, for they were 
afraid that they should be stoned by the people ; or i<po(3ovi>To . . . Xaov may 
be taken as parenthetical, and yfi) XidaadCjcnv made to limit ?)yei> avrovs, 
ov nerb. (Mas; so Tisch. and WH. 

Rem. 2. Some MSS. and editors read a Future Indicative in 2 Cor. 
12: 21. 

225. The verb of fearing is sometimes unexpressed, the idea 
of fear being suggested by the context ; so, it may be, in Acts 
5 : 39, and Matt. 25 : 9. 

Rem. 1. 2 Tim. 2 : 25, /nr/ wore divy avrois 6 $ebs nerdvoiav is probably 
best explained in the same way. For the gentleness and meekness in 
dealing with those that oppose themselves, which he has enjoined, the 
apostle adds the argument, [fearing] lest God may perchance grant them 
repentance, i.e. lest on the assumption that they are past repentance you 
be found dealing in harshness with those to whom God will yet grant 
repentance. 

Rem. 2. Awy (Subjunctive) is to be preferred to Syn (Optative) in 
this passage as in Eph. 1 : 17. See the evidence in WS. p. 120 that this 
form occurs as a Subjunctive not only in the Old Ionic language, but in 
inscriptions of the second century b.c. Cf. WH. II. App. p. 168. 

226. It is evident that object clauses after verbs of fear are closely 
akin to negative object clauses after verbs signifying to care for. G.MT. 
354. Some of the instances cited under 206 might not inappropriately be 
placed under 224. On the probable common origin of both, and their 
development from the original parataxis, see G.MT. 307, 352. 

227. When the object of apprehension is conceived of as 
already present or past, i.e. as a thing already decided, al- 
though the issue is at the time of speaking unknown, the In- 
dicative is used both in classical and New Testament Greek. 
HA. 888 ; G. 1380. 

Gal. 4:11; (po^ov/maL v/ias /xy 7ro>s ei/07 KeKomaKa eh Vyuas, / am afraid 
I have perhaps bestowed labor upon you in vain. See also Gal. 2:2; 
1 Thess. 3:5; Gen. 43:11. 



MOODS IN CLAUSES OF CAUSE. 



97 



MOODS IN GLAUSES OF CAUSE. 

228. A causal clause is one which gives either the cause or 
the reason of the fact stated in the principal clause. Causal 
clauses are introduced by ort, Sioti, «rei, i-rreiBr, eireihrjirtp, c<£' w, 
etc. HA. 925 ; G. 1505. 

229. Moods and Tenses in Causal Clauses. The 

moods and tenses are used in causal clauses with the same 
force as in principal clauses. 

John 14 : 19 ; on cyo> £ui kol uyueis ^rjcrere, because I live, ye shall live also. 

1 Cor. 14:12; liru ^rjXwrac icrre 7rveu/xaTajv, 7rpo? Tt]v oiko8o[iy]v Trjs 
e/CKA^crias ^Tetre iva 7repLcraevr)Te, since ye are zealous of spiritual 
gifts, seek that ye may abound unto the edifying of the church. See 
also Luke 1:1; Acts 15 : 24 ; Rom. 5 : 12. 

230. From the significance of a causal clause it naturally 
results that its verb is usually an Indicative affirming a fact. 
Any form, however, which expresses or implies either qualified 
or unqualified assertion may stand after a causal conjunction. 
Thus we find, e.g., a rhetorical question, or an apodosis of a 
conditional sentence. In the latter case the protasis may be 
omitted. In the following instances all three of these phe- 
nomena coincide ; the causal clause is an apodosis, its protasis 
is omitted, it is expressed in the form of a rhetorical 
question. 

1 Cor. 15 : 29 ; i-ircl tl iroirjcrova-Lv ol /3a7rri£d/Aevoi v-jrtp ra>y veKpwv, else 
what shall they do which are baptized for the dead? i.e., since [if the 
dead are not raised'] they that are baptized for the dead are baptized 
to no purpose. 

Heb. 10:2; €7rei ovk av liravaavTO 7rpoacf)ep6pievaL, else would they not 
have ceased to be offered ? i.e., since [if what was said above were not 
true] they would have ceased to be offered. Cf. also Acts 5 : 38. 



98 



THE MOODS. 



231. From the nature of the causal clause as making an 
assertion, it results that it is easily disjoined from the clause 
which states the fact of which it gives the cause or reason, 
and becomes an independent sentence. 

Matt. 6:5; kcli otclv ivpoo-e.vxqo-Oe, ovk eaeaOe cos ol viroKpLrai ■ on 
<f>i\ov(riv iv Tats crvvayioyaLS /cat iv rats yaWats rwv 7rAaTeta>i/ 
co-Tcores rrpoo-cv^o-Oai, and when ye pray, ye shall not be as the 
hypocrites: because they love to stand and pray in the synagogues and 
in the corners of the streets (cf. 6 : 16, where in a closely similar 
sentence, yap is used instead of on). See also Luke 11: 3*2; 
1 Cor. 1 : 22, and cf. v. 21, where the same conjunction i-rrahrj intro- 
duces a subordinate clause. 

232. The distinction between a subordinate causal clause and an 
independent sentence affirming a cause or reason is usually one of the 
degree of emphasis on the causal relation between the two facts. When 
the chief thing asserted is the existence of the causal relation, as happens, 
e.g., when one fact or the other is already present as a fact before the 
mind, the causal clause is manifestly subordinate. When the emphasis 
is upon the separate assertions as assertions, rather than on the relation 
of the facts asserted, the causal clause easily becomes an independent 
sentence. Thus in Rev. 3 : 16, because thou art lukewarm, and neither 
hot nor cold, I will spew thee out of my mouth, the causal clause is subor- 
dinate. So also in John 16 : 3, and these things they will do, because they 
have not known the Father nor me, where the words these things refer 
to an assertion already made, and the intent of the sentence is to state 
why they will do these things. See also John 20 : 29. On the other hand, 
in Matt. 6:5; Luke 11 : 32 ; 1 Cor. 1 : 22 (see 231) ; and in 1 Cor. 15 : 29 ; 
Heb. 10:2 (see 230), the casual clause is evidently independent, and the 
particles 8tl, ewei, eVeiS^ have substantially the force of yap. 

233. Causal relations may also be expressed by a relative 
clause (294), by an Infinitive with the article governed by Sta 
(408), and by a participle (439). 



MOODS IN CLAUSES OF RESULT. 



99 



MOODS IN CLAUSES OF EESULT. 

234. A consecutive clause is one which expresses the result, 
actual or potential, of the action stated in the principal clause 
or a preceding sentence. 

In the New Testament consecutive clauses are introduced 
by tSo-re. HA. 927; G. 1449. 

235. A consecutive clause commonly takes either the Indic- 
ative or the Infinitive. The Indicative properly expresses the 
actual result produced by the action previously mentioned, the 
Infinitive the result which the action of the principal verb 
tends or is calculated to produce. Since, however, an actual 
result may always be conceived of as that which the cause in 
question is calculated or adapted to produce, the Infinitive 
may be used when the result is obviously actual. Thus 
if senselessness tends to credulity, one may say ovtoxs dvo-nrot 
ecTTe wcrre to dSvvarov wio-revere or ovtws dvorjTOL ecrre ware to dSv- 
varov irLo-Ttvuv, with little difference of meaning, though strictly 
the latter represents believing the impossible simply as the 
measure of the folly, while the former represents it as the act- 
ual result of such folly. GMT. 582, 583; HA. 927; G. 1450, 
1451. 

The use of the Infinitive is the older idiom. Attic writers show on 
the whole a tendency to an increased use of the Indicative, Aristophanes 
and Xenophon, e.g., using it more frequently than the Infinitive. See 
Gild. A.J. P. vn. 161-175 ; xiv. 240-242. But in the New Testament the 
Infinitive greatly predominates, occurring fifty times as against twenty- 
one instances of the Indicative, but one of which is in a clause clearly 
subordinate. 

On wVre introducing a principal clause see 237. On different concep- 
tions of result, and the use of the Infinitive to express result, see 369-371. 

236. The Indicative with coare expresses actual result. 

John 3 : 16 ; ovTtos yap r}ya.7rr)0~€v 6 Oebs rov Koap-ov wcrre rov vlbv rov 
fiovoyevrj eSwKei/, for God so loved the world that he gave his only 
begotten Son. 



100 



THE MOODS. 



Rem. With John 3 : 16, which is the only clear instance in the New 
Testament of wVre with the Indicative so closely joined to what precedes 
as to constitute a subordinate clause, is usually reckoned also Gal. 2 : 13. 

237. The clause introduced by ware is sometimes so dis- 
joined from the antecedent sentence expressing the causal fact 
that it becomes an independent sentence. In such cases oWe 
has the meaning therefore, or accordingly, and the verb intro- 
duced by it may be in any form capable of standing in a prin- 
cipal clause. HA. 927, a ; G. 1454. 

Mark 2 : 28 ; ware Kvpios kvnv 6 vt6s tov avOponrov kol tov cra^j3a.Tov, so 

that the Son of man is lord even of the sabbath. 
1 Cor. 5:8; ware eopTa£(o/xev, wherefore let us keep the feast. 
1 Thess. 4:18; wore Trapa.Kaka.TC 6Xkr)\ov<; iv tois Aoyois tovtois, 

wherefore comfort one another with these words. 

MOODS Iff CONDITIONAL SENTENCES. 

238. A conditional sentence consists of a subordinate clause 
which states a supposition, and a principal clause which states 
a conclusion conditioned on the fulfilment of the supposition 
stated in the subordinate clause. The conditional clause is 
called the protasis. The principal clause is called the apodosis. 

239. Suppositions are either particular or general. When 
the protasis supposes a certain definite event and the apodosis 
conditions its assertion on the occurrence of this event, the 
supposition is particular. When the protasis supposes any 
occurrence of an act of a certain class, and the apodosis states 
what is or was wont to take place in any instance of an act of 
the class supposed in the protasis, the supposition is general. 

Thus in the sentence, If he believes this act to be wrong, he will not 
do it, the supposition is particular. But in the sentence, If [in, any in- 
stance] lie believes an act to be wrong, he does not [is not wont to~] do it, 



MOODS IN CONDITIONAL SENTENCES. 



101 



the supposition is general. In the sentence, If he has read this book, he 
will be able to tell what it contains, the supposition is particular. But 
in the sentence, If he read a book, he could always tell what it contained, 
the supposition is general. 

240. It should be noted that the occurrence of an indefinite pronoun 
in the protasis does not necessarily make the supposition general. If the 
writer, though using an indefinite term, refers to a particular instance, 
and in the apodosis states what happened, is happening, or will happen 
in this case, the supposition is particular. If, on the other hand, the 
supposition refers to any instance of the class of cases described, and 
the apodosis states what is or was wont to happen in any such instance, 
the supposition is general. Thus, in the sentence, If any one has eaten 
any of the food, he is by this time dead, the supposition is particular. 
In the sentence, If any one [in any instance'] ate any of the food, [it was 
wont to happen that] he died, the supposition is general. In 2 Cor. 2 : 5, 
but if any one hath caused sorrow, he hath caused sorrow not to me, but 
. . . to you all, the supposition refers to a specific case, and is particular. 
Even the mental selection of one of many possible instances suffices to 
make a supposition particular. So in 1 Cor. 3 : 12, it is probable that we 
ought to read, if any man is building, and in 3 : 17, if any man is destroy- 
ing, and take the clauses as referring to what was then, hypothetically, 
going on rather than to what might at any time occur. On the other 
hand, in John 11 : 9, if a man walk in the day, he stumbleth not, the sup- 
position refers to any instance of walking in the day, and is general. 

Concerning a protasis which refers to the truth of a general principle as 
such, see 243. 

241. Of the six classes of conditional sentences which are 
found in classical Greek, five occur in the New Testament, not 
however without occasional variations of form. 

Eem. 1. The classification of conditional sentences here followed is 
substantially that of Professor Goodwin. The numbering of the Present 
General Suppositions and Past General Suppositions as fifth and sixth 
classes respectively, instead of including them as subdivisions under the 
first class, is adopted to facilitate reference. 

Eem. 2. It should be observed that the titles of the several classes of 
conditional sentences describe the suppositions not from the point of view 
of fact, but from that of the representation of the case to the speaker's 
own mind or to that of his hearer. Cf ., e.g., Luke J : 39 ; John 18 : 30. 



102 



THE MOODS. 



242. A. Simple Present or Past Particular Supposi- 
tion. The protasis simply states a supposition which refers 
to a particular case in the present or past, implying 
nothing as to its fulfilment. 

The protasis is expressed by ei with a present or past 
tense of the Indicative ; any form of the finite verb may 
stand in the apodosis. HA. 893 ; G-. 1390. 

John 15 : 20 ; el ifxe i8ia)£av, kolL vfxas o\co£oucriv, if they have persecuted 
me, they will also persecute you. 

Gal. 5 : 18 ; ei Se irvevfjjxTL ayeaOe, ovk iare V7r6 vo/aov, but if ye are led 
by the Spirit, ye are not under the laiv. See also Matt. 4:3; Luke 
16:11; Acts 5: 39; Rom. 4 : 2 ; 8:10; Gal. 2:17; Rev. 20 : 15. 

Rem. Concerning the use of the negatives fir) and ov in the protasis of 
conditional sentences of this class, see 469, 470. 

243. When a supposition refers to the truth of a general 
principle as such, and the apodosis conditions its assertion 
on the truth of this principle, not on the occurrence of any 
instance of a supposed class of events, the supposition is 
particular. It is expressed in Greek by el with the Indica- 
tive, and the sentence belongs to the first class. 

Matt. 19 : 10 ; ei ovtws Icttlv r) aiTia rov avOponrov /xera Trjs yvvaiKOs, ov 
(TVfxfpepeL yafxrjaaL, if the case of the man is so with his wife, it is not 
expedient to marry. See also Matt. 6 : 30 ; Gal. 2 : 21 ; cf . Plat. Prot. 
340, C. In Rom. 4 : 14; 8 : 17 ; 11 : 6, the verb is omitted. The 
use of ei and the nature of the sentence, however, easily suggest 
what form of the verb would be required if it were expressed. 

244. Conditional clauses of the first class are frequently 
used when the condition is fulfilled, and the use of the hypo- 
thetical form suggests no doubt of the fact. This fact of ful- 
filment lies, however, not in the conditional sentence, but in the 
context. John 3:12; 7 : 23 ; Rom. 5 : 10. 



MOODS IN CONDITIONAL SENTENCES. 103 



245. On the other hand, conditional clauses of the first class 
may be used of what is regarded by the speaker as an unful- 
filled condition. But this also is not expressed or implied by 
the form of the sentence, which is in itself wholly colorless, 
suggesting nothing as to the fulfilment of the condition. 
Luke 23 : 35, 37 ; John 18 : 23 ; Rom. 4:2; Gal. 5 : 11. 

246. Even a Future Indicative may stand in the protasis of 
a conditional sentence of the first class when reference is had 
to a present necessity or intention, or when the writer desires 
to state not what will take place on the fulfilment of a future 
possibility, but merely to affirm a necessary logical consequence 
of a future event. 1 Cor. 9 : 11. Cf. GMT. 407. 

247. In a few instances edv is used with the Present Indicative in the 
protasis of a conditional sentence, apparently to express a simple present 
supposition. 1 Thess. 3:8; 1 John 5:15. 

248. B. Supposition contrary to Fact. The protasis 
states a supposition which refers to the present or past, 
implying that it is not or was not fulfilled. 

The protasis is expressed by el with a past tense of the 
Indicative ; the apodosis by a past tense of the Indicative 
with &v. HA. 895 ; G. 1397. 

The Imperfect denotes continued action; the Aorist 
a simple fact; the Pluperfect completed action. The 
time is implied in the context, not expressed by the 
verb. 

John 11 : 21 ; Kvpte, el ^? (28e ovk av airkQavev 6 a&e\<f>6s fxov, Lord, if 

thou hadst been here, my brother would not have died. 
Gal. 1 : 10 ; el ert av0po)7TOi<; rjpeo-Kov, Xptcrrov 8ov\o<s ovk av rjp.r)v, if I 

were still pleasing men, I should not be a servant of Christ. See also 
John 14 : 28; Acts IS : It; Ileb. 4:8; 11 : 15. 



104 



THE MOODS. 



249. *Av is sometimes omitted from the apodosis. Cf. 30. 
B. pp. 216 f ., 225 f. ; WM. pp. 382 f. ; WT. pp. 305 f. ; cf. GMT. 
pp. 415 ff., esp. 422, 423. 

John 9:33; ei p.rj rjv ovtos Trapa. Oeov, ovk rjSvvaro ttoleiv ovSiv, if this 
man were not from God, he could do nothing. See also Matt. 2b : 24; 
John 15 : 22 ; 19 : 11 ; 1 Cor. 5 : 10 ; Gal. 4 : 15 ; Heb. 9 : 26. 

250. C. Future Supposition with More Probability. 

The protasis states a supposition which refers to the 
future, suggesting some probability of its fulfilment. 

The protasis is usually expressed by idv (or av) with 
the Subjunctive; the apodosis by the Future Indicative or 
by some other form referring to future time. HA. 898 ; 
G. 1403. 

Matt. 9 : 21 ; iav /xovov anpoi/xaL tov t/xartov olvtov croo^crotiai, if I shall 

but touch his garments, I shall be made whole. 
John 12 : 26 ; idv tis e/xot hiaKovrj TLfxqcrei avrbv 6 iraTifjp, if any man 

serve me, him will the Father honor. 
John 14 : 15 ; eav dyairari /xe, ra<i eVroAa? ras ifxas rrjpyaeTe, if ye love 

me, ye will keep my commandments. See also Matt. 5:20; 1 Cor. 

4:19; Gal. 5 : 2 ; Jas. 2 : 15, 16. 

251. In addition to Idv with the Subjunctive, which is the 
usual form both in classical and New Testament Greek, the 
following forms of protasis also occur occasionally in the New 
Testament to express a future supposition with more proba- 
bility : 

252. (a) Ei with the Subjunctive. 

Luke 9 : 13; ovk eloiv rj/juv irXa-ovr/ dprot irivre kou l^Oves hvo, ei p-rjn 
TTOpevOevres 17/xets dyopaVaj/xev ei? Trdvra tov Xabv tovtov /3pwfxara, 

we have no more than five loaves and two fishes ; unless ice are to go 
and buy food for all this people. See also 1 Cor. 14:5; 1 Thess. 
5:10; Judg. 11 : 9. 



MOODS IN CONDITIONAL SENTENCES. 



105 



253. This usage also occurs in Homer and the tragic poets, but is very 
rare in Attic prose. It is found in the Septuagint and becomes very com- 
mon in later Hellenistic and Byzantine writers. G.MT. 453, 454 ; Clapp in 
T.A.P.A. 1887, p. 49 ; 1891, pp. 88 f.; WT. pp. 294 f. ; WM. pp. 368, 374, in. 

For the few New Testament instances there is possibly in each case a 
special reason. Thus in Luke 9 : 13 there is probably a mixture of a con- 
ditional clause and a deliberative question : unless indeed — are we to go? 
i.e., unless indeed we are to go. In 1 Cor. 14 : 5 and 1 Thess. 5 : 10 a 
preference for the more common el /ultj and e'Cre . . . e'Cre over the somewhat 
unusual eav /j.rj and idvre . . . edvre may have led to the use of the former 
in spite of the fact that the meaning called for a Subjunctive. 1 Thess. 
5 : 10 can hardly be explained as attraction {B. and W.), since the nature 
of the thought itself calls for a Subjunctive. On Phil. 3 : 11, 12, cf. 276. 
It is doubtful, however, whether the discovery of any difference in force 
between el with the Subjunctive arid edv with the Subjunctive in these 
latter passages is not an over-refinement. 

254. (6) Et or eav with the Future Indicative. 

2 Tim. 2 : 12 ; ei dpvrja-ofxeOa, KaKtlvos apvrjo-eTaL rjfxas, if we shall deny 

him, he also will deny us. 
Acts 8 : 31 ; eav ixrj rt? oSryy^crei fxe, unless some one shall guide me. 

See also Luke 19 : 40. 

255. Ei with the Future Indicative occurs as a protasis of a condition 
of the third form not infrequently in classical writers, especially in 
tragedy. 6r.MT. 447. Of the New Testament instances of el followed 
by a Future (about twenty in number), one, 2 Tim. 2 : 12, illustrates the 
minatory or mo nitortj force attributed to such clauses by Gild., T.A.P.A. 
1876, pp. 9 ff. ; A.J.P. XIII. pp. 123 ff. Concerning the other instances, 
see 246, 254, 272, 276, 340. 

256. (c) Et with the Present Indicative. The protasis is 
then apparently of the first class (242). The instances which 
belong here are distinguished by evident reference of the prot- 
asis to the future. 

Matt. 8 : 31 ; et e/</3aAA.eis ly/xa?, a7rdoTeiAov rjfJLas ets rrjv ayekrjv Ttov 
^otpwv, if thou cast us out, send us away into the herd of swine. See 
also 1 Cor. 10 : 27 (cf. v. 28) ; 2 John 10; Gen. 4 : 14 ; 20 : 7 ; 
44:26; and as possible instances Matt. 5 : 29, 30 ; 18:8, 9; 
Luke i4 : 26 ; 2 Tim. 2 : 12. 



106 



THE MOODS. 



257. There is no distinction in form either in Greek or in English 
between a particular and a general supposition referring to the future. 
The distinction in thought is of course the same as in the case of present 
or past suppositions (239). Thus in Matt. 9 : 21, if I shall but touch Jiis 
garment, I shall be made ivhole, the supposition evidently refers to a spe- 
cific case, and is particular. But in John 16 : 23, if ye shall ask anything 
of the Father, he will give it you in my name, the supposition is evidently 
general. A large number of the future suppositions in the New Testa- 
ment are apparently general. It is almost always possible, however, to 
suppose that a particular imagined instance is mentally selected as the 
illustration of the class. Cf. 210, 261. 

258. When a conditional clause which as originally uttered 
or thought was of the first or third class and expressed by 
el with the Indicative or idv with the Subjunctive is so 
incorporated into a sentence as to be made dependent on a 
verb of past time, it may be changed to el with the Optative. 
This principle applies even when the apodosis on which the 
protasis depends is not itself strictly in indirect discourse. 
Cf. 334-347, esp. 342, 347. See GMT. 457, 694 ff. 

Acts. 20 : 16 ; ecnrevSev yap ei fivvarbv el-q avrS tyjv r/piepav t^s 7revr^- 
koo-ttJs yeviaOat ei? 'lepocroXv/JLa, for he was hastening, if it were pos- 
sible for him, to be at Jerusalem the day of Pentecost. In this 
sentence ei Svvarbv din represents the protasis of the sentence iav 
Svvcltov tJ yevrjo-opLtOa which expressed the original thought of Paul, 
to which the writer here refers. The same explanation applies to 
Acts 24 : 19, and to 27 : 39 (unless d Svvollvto is an indirect ques- 
tion) ; also to Acts 17 : 27 and 27 : 12, but on these cases see 
also 276. 

259. D. Future Supposition with Less Probability. 

The protasis states a supposition which refers to the future, 
suggesting less probability of its fulfilment than is sug- 
gested by idv with the Subjunctive. 

The protasis is expressed by ei with the Optative ; the 
apodosis by the Optative with av. MA. 900 ; 6r. 1408. 



MOODS IN CONDITIONAL SENTENCES. 



107 



There is no perfect example of this form in the New Testa- 
ment. Protases occur in 1 Cor. and 1 Pet., bat never with a 
regular and fully expressed apodosis. Apodoses occur in Luke 
and Acts, but never with a regular protasis. 

1 Pet. 3 : 17 ; Kpdrrov yap ay olOottolovvtols, d OeXot to OiXrjfxa rov Oeov, 

Travyew rj KaKOTroLovvras, for it is better, if the ivill of God should so 
will, that ye suffer for well doing than for evil doing. See also 1 Cor. 
14 : 10 ; 15 : 37 ; 1 Pet. 3 : 14. 

260. E. Present General Supposition. The supposi- 
tion refers to any occurrence of an act of a certain class in 
the (general) present, and the apodosis states what is wont 
to take place in any instance of an act of the class referred 
to in the protasis. 

The protasis is expressed by edv with the Subjunctive, 
the apodosis by the Present Indicative. HA. 894, 1 ; 6r. 
1393, 1. 

John 11 : 9; lav rt? TrepnraTrj iv rrj rj/xepa, ov TrpovKOTTTei, if a man 
walk in the day, he stumbleth not. 

2 Tim. 2:5; lav koi dOXrj tis, ov crrefyavovTai iav p,rj vo/xt/xws 

aOXrjcrr), and if also a man contend in the games, he is not crowned, 
unless he contend lawfully. See also Mark 3 : 24; John 7 : 51 ; 
12:24; 1 Cor. 7 : 39, 40. 

261. Et with the Present Indicative not infrequently 
occurs in clauses which apparently express a present general 
supposition. (?.MT. 467. Yet in most New Testament pas- 
sages of this kind, it is possible that a particular imagined 
instance in the present or future is before the mind as an illus- 
tration of the general class of cases. Cf. 242, 256. It is 
scarcely possible to decide in each case whether the supposi- 
tion was conceived of as general or particular. 



108 



THE MOODS. 



Luke 14 : 26 ; el ti? epxercu 7rpos /xe kcu ov /uaael . . . r-qv xf/vxrjv 
eavrov, ov Svvarai elvat fxov /xaOrjTrjs, if any man cometh unto me, and 
hateth not . . . his own life, he cannot be my disciple. Cf. John 8 : 51 ; 
12 : 26 ; where in protases of apparently similar force idv with the 
Subjunctive occurs, and the apodosis refers to the future. 

Rom. 8 : 25 ; el Se o ov /^AeVo/xev eA7u£otiev, 8i VTro/xovrjs a.7reKBex6pe0a, 
but if we hope for that which we see not, then do ice with patience wait 
for it. See also Jas. 1 : 26. 

262. The third and fifth classes of conditional sentences are very- 
similar not only in form, but also in meaning. When the subject or other 
leading term of the protasis is an indefinite or generic word, the third 
class differs from the fifth only in that a sentence of the third class tells 
what will happen in a particular instance or in any instance of the fulfil- 
ment of the supposition, while a sentence of the fifth class tells what 
is wont to happen in any such case. Cf., e.g., Mark 3 : 24 with 25 ; also 
the two sentences of Rom. 7 : 3. 

263. It should be observed that a Present Indicative in the principal 
clause after a protasis consisting of idv with the Subjunctive does not 
always indicate that the sentence is of the fifth class. If the fact stated 
in the apodosis is already true at the time of speaking, or if the issue 
involved has already been determined, though not necessarily known, the 
Present Indicative is frequently used after a protasis referring to future 
time. The thought would be expressed more fully but less forcibly by 
supplying some such phrase as it will appear that or it will still be true 
that. In other instances the true apodosis is omitted, that which stands 
in its place being a reason for the unexpressed apodosis. In still other 
cases the Present is merely the familiar Present for Future (15). 

John 8 : 31 ; iav vjxeis fxeivrjTe iv ru Aoyco tco i/xw, a\r)6u)<s jxaO-qral /jlov 
core, if ye shall abide in my word, \_ye will show that] ye are truly 
my disciples. Observe the Future in the next clause. 

1 John 1:9; eav o/xoAoyco/xev ras a/xaprtas rj/xwv, 7tlo~t6<; Icttlv kcu. 
Si/caio? iva a(f>rj rjixiv tols a/xapTtas, if ice shall confess our sins, [he 
will forgive us, for] he is faithful and righteous to forgive us our sins. 
See also Mark 1 : 40 ; John 19 : 12 ; Acts 26 : 5. 

264. The difference in force between the fifth class of suppositions and 
the class described under 243 should be clearly marked. There the issue 
raised by the protasis is as to the truth or falsity of the principle as a gen- 



MOODS IN CONDITIONAL SENTENCES. 109 



eral principle, while the apodosis affirms some other general or particular 
statement to he true if the general principle is true. Here the protasis 
raises no question of the truth or falsity of the general principle, but 
suggests as an hypothesis, that a general statement is in any single case 
realized, and the apodosis states what is wont to take place when the 
supposition of the protasis is thus realized. Thus in Matt. 19 : 10 (243) 
the disciples say that if the principle stated by Jesus is true, it follows as 
a general principle that it is not expedient to marry. On the other hand, 
iav ovTusexV* °v <rvfi<pipei ya/xijaai would mean, If in any instance the case 
supposed is realized, then it is wont to happen that it is not expedient to 
marry. Cf . examples under 260. 

265. F. Past General Supposition. The supposition 
refers to any past occurrence of an act of a certain class, 
and the apodosis states what was wont to take place in any 
instance of an act of the class referred to in the protasis. 

The protasis is expressed by el with the Optative, the 
apodosis by the Imperfect Indicative. HA. 894, 2; 6r. 
1393, 2. 

There is apparently no instance of this form in the New 
Testament. 

266. Peculiarities of Conditional Sentences. Nearly 
all the peculiar variations of conditional sentences men- 
tioned in the classical grammars are illustrated in the New 
Testament. See HA. 901-907 ; G. 1413-1424. 

267. (a) A protasis of one form is sometimes joined with 
an apodosis of another form. 

Acts 8 : 31 ; 7rtu? yap av Svvaifxrjv iav fxrj tis oSrjyrjaei fxc, how can I, 

unless some one shall guide me ? 

268. (6) An apodosis may be accompanied by more than 
one protasis ; these protases may be of different form, each 
retaining its own proper force. 



110 



THE MOODS, 



John 13 : 17 ; ei ravra olSare, fxaKapiOL eare edv iroirjTe avrd, if ye know 
these things, blessed are ye if ye do them. See also 1 Cor. 9 : 11. 

269. (c) The place of the protasis with el or edv is some- 
times supplied by a participle, an Imperative, or other form of 
expression suggesting a supposition. 

Matt. 26 : 15 ; TV Qekerk /xoi Sovvai Kayto v/jllv TrapaScocrco avrov, what are 
ye willing to give me, and I will deliver him unto you. 

Mark 11:24; irdvTci oaa Trpoo~evxeo~6e xal alreloSe, mo-revere on e\d- 
fiere, koI earaL v/jllv, all things ichatsoever ye pray and ask for, believe 
that ye have received them, and ye shall have them. See also Matt. 
7 : 10 ; Mark 1 : 17 ; and exx. under 436. 

Kem. In Jas. 1 : 5, ahelrw is the apodosis of el St tis v/xQv XetVerai 
aocpias, and at the same time fills the place of protasis to dodrjcrerai. 
See also Matt. 19 : 21. 

270. (eZ) The protasis is sometimes omitted. Luke 1 : 62 ; 
Acts 17 : 18. 

271. (e) The apodosis is sometimes omitted. 

Luke 13 : 9 ; Kav /xev Troi-qo-y KapTrov els to fxeWov — el Se /xi]ye, eKKOi/zet? 
avTrjv, and if it bear fruit thenceforth, — but if not, thou shalt cut it 
down. See also Luke 19 : 42 ; Acts 23 : 9. 

272. Et with the Future Indicative is used by Hebraism 
without an apodosis, with the force of an emphatic negative 
assertion or oath. Cf. Hr. 48, 9, a. 

Mark 8:12; dfx-qv Xeyoi, el SoOrjo-erai rrj yevea ravr-n a-qpLelov, verily I 
say unto you, there shall no sign be given unto this generation. See 
also Heb. 3 : 11 ; 4 : 3, 5. On Heb. 6 : 14 see Th. el, nr. 11. 

273. (/) The verb of the protasis or apodosis may be 
omitted. 

Rom. 4 : 14 ; el yap ol Ik vop,ov K\-npov6p,oi, /ce/ceVcorai 17 7tio-tis kol 
Karrfpy-qTai rj eirayyekta, for if they which are of the law are heirs, 



MOODS IN CONDITIONAL SENTENCES. Ill 



faith is made void, and the promise is made of none effect. See also 
Rom. 8 : 17 ; 11 : 16; 1 Cor. 7 : 5, 8 ; 12 : 19 ; 1 Fet. 3 : 14. In 2 Cor. 
11 : 16 kolv stands for kol idv 8££r]<TQe. 

274. (g) Et fxy without a dependent verb occurs very fre- 
quently in the sense of except. It may be followed by any 
form of expression which could have stood as subject or as 
limitation of the principal predicate. The origin of this usage 
was of course in a conditional clause the verb of which was 
omitted because it was identical with the verb of the apodosis. 
Both in classical and New Testament Greek the ellipsis is un- 
conscious, and the limitation is not strictly conditional, but ex- 
ceptive. Like the English except it states not a condition on 
fulfilment of which the apodosis is true or its action takes 
place, but a limitation of the principal statement. It is, how- 
ever, never in the New Testament purely adversative. Cf. 
Ltft. on Gal. 1 : 7, 19. 

275. (h) Et Se fxrj and ei Se fxrjye are used elliptically in the 
sense of otherivise, i.e. if so, or if not, to introduce an alterna- 
tive statement or command. Having become fixed phrases, 
they are used even when the preceding sentence is negative ; 
also when the nature of the condition would naturally call for 
idv rather than el Matt. 9 : 17 ; Luke 10 : 6 ; 13 : 9 ; Eev. 2 : 5. 
Cr.MT. 478 ; B. p. 393. 

276. (i) An omitted apodosis is sometimes virtually con- 
tained in the protasis, and the latter expresses a possibility 
which is an object of hope or desire, and hence has nearly the 
force of a final clause. In some instances it approaches the 
force of an indirect question. GMT. 486-493. In classical 
Greek such protases are introduced by ei or idv. In the New 
Testament they occur with et only, and take the Subjunctive, 
Optative, or Future Indicative. 



112 



THE MOODS. 



Phil. 3 : 12 ; Sicokw Se el kou KaTaXd(3u), but I press on, if so be that I 
may apprehend. 

Acts 27 : 12 ; ol rrXeioves kOevro f3ov\r)v dva^^vai tKelOev, et 7T(os 
SvvaLvro KaravTrjcravTes et? <3>oin/«x -napax^dcraL, the more part 
advised to put to sea from thence, if by any means they could reach 
Phoenix, and wilder there. See also Mark 11 : 13 ; Acts 8 : 22 ; 17 : 27 ; 
Rom. 1 : 10; 11:14 ; Phil. 3:11. 

277. (j) After expressions of wonder, etc., a clause intro- 
duced by d has nearly the force of a clause introduced by on. 
Mark 15 : 44 ; Acts 26:8; cf. 1 John 3 : 13. 



MOODS IN CONCESSIVE SENTENCES. 

278. A concessive clause is a protasis that states a sup- 
position the fulfilment of which is thought of or represented 
as unfavorable to the fulfilment of the apodosis. 

The force of a concessive sentence is thus very different 
from that of a conditional sentence. The latter represents 
the fulfilment of the apodosis as conditioned on the fulfilment 
of the protasis ; the former represents the apodosis as fulfilled 
in spite of the fulfilment of the protasis. Yet there are cases 
in which, by the weakening of the characteristic force of each 
construction, or by the complexity of the elements expressed 
by the protasis, the two usages approach so near to each other 
as to make distinction between them difficult. 

In Gal. 1 : 8, e.g., the fulfilment of the element of the 
protasis expressed in 7rap' o ev-nyyeXLo-d/jLeOa is favorable to the 
fulfilment of the apodosis avdOe/xa lo-rco, and the clause is so 
far forth, conditional. But the element expressed in ^et? fj 
ayyeAos i£ ovpavov, which is emphasized by the /cat", is unfavor- 
able to the fulfilment of the apodosis, and the clause is so far 
forth concessive. It might be resolved into two clauses, thus, 



MOODS IN CONCESSIVE SENTENCES. 



113 



If any one shall preach unto you any gospel other than that we 
preached unto you [let him be anathema~] ; yea, though ive or an 
angel from heaven so preach, let him be anathema. 

279. A concessive clause is commonly introduced by el (edv) 
Kat or koll el (idv). But a clause introduced by eZ or idv alone 
may also be in thought concessive, though the concessive 
element is not emphasized in the form. Matt. 26 : 33 (cf. Mark 
14 : 29) 5 Mark 14 : 31 (cf. Matt. 26 : 35). 

280. EZ (idv) kcll concessive in the New Testament generally 
introduces a supposition conceived of as actually fulfilled or 
likely to be fulfilled. See examples under 284, 285. Yet, 
in concessive as well as in conditional clauses (cf. 282), 
kcu may belong not to the whole clause but to the word next 
after it, having an intensive force, and suggesting that the 
supposition is in some sense or respect an extreme one, e.g., 
especially improbable or especially unfavorable to the fulfil- 
ment of the apodosis. So probably Mark 14 : 29. 

281. Kat el (idv) concessive occurs somewhat rarely in the 
New Testament. See Matt. 26 : 35 ; John 8 : 16 ; 1 Cor. 8:5; 
Gal. 1 : 8; 1 Pet. 3 : 1 (but cf. WH.). The force of the kcu is 
apparently intensive, representing the supposition as actually 
or from a rhetorical point of view an extreme case, improbable 
in itself, or specially unfavorable to the fulfilment of the 
apodosis. 

Kem. Paley, Greek Particles, p. 31, thus distinguishes the force of ei 
nal and /ecu el, "generally with this difference, that el ko.1 implies an ad- 
mitted fact 'even though,' /ecu el a somewhat improbable supposition; 
'even if.'" See other statements and references in Th. el III. 7 ; and 
especially J. 861. It should be observed that a concessive supposition 
may be probable or improbable ; it is not this or that that makes it con- 
cessive, but the fact that its fulfilment is unfavorable to the fulfilment of 
the apodosis. 



114 



THE MOODS. 



282. Carefully to Toe distinguished from the cases of /ecu ei (edv) and ei 
(eaj>) KaL concessive are those in which ei (edv) is conditional and /cat means 
and (Matt, 11 : 14; Luke 6 : 32, 33, 34 ; John 8 : 55, etc.), or also (Luke 
11 : 18 ; 2 Cor. 11 : 15), or is simply intensive, emphasizing the following 
word and suggesting a supposition in some sense extreme (1 Cor. 4:7; 7 : 
11). Such a supposition is not necessarily unfavorable to the fulfilment of 
the apodosis, and hence may be conditional however extreme. Cf . 280. 

283. Moods and Tenses in Concessive Clauses. In 

their use of moods and tenses concessive clauses follow in 
general the rules for conditional clauses. The variety of 
usage is in the New Testament, however, much less in the 
case of concessive clauses than of conditional clauses. 

284. Concessive clauses of the class corresponding to the 
first class of conditional sentences are most frequent in the 
New Testament. The event referred to in the concessive 
clause is in general not contingent, but conceived of as actual. 

2 Cor. 7:8; on el kcu e\xmino~a vfxas ev rrj e7ricrTo\rj, ov fxerafxekofxai, 

for, though I made you sorry with my epistle, I do not regret it. See 
also Luke 18:4; 2 Cor. 4:16; 7:12; 11 : 6; 12 : 11; Phil. 2 : 17; 
Col. 2:5; Heb. 6:9. 

285. Concessive clauses referring to the future occur in 
two forms. 

(a) They take el kcu or el, and a Future Indicative referring 
to what is regarded as certain or likely to occur. In logical 
force this construction is closely akin to that discussed 
under 246. 

Luke 11:8; ei Kat ov Scocret avrS dvacrra? Sia, to elvai cf>i\ov avrov, Sia 
ye rrjv dvatStav avrov eyepOels Soyo-ei aura) oawv xPJ]C € h though he will 
not rise and give him because he is his friend, yet because of his 
importunity he will arise and give him as many as he needeth. See 
also Matt. 26 : 33 ; Mark 14 : 29. 



MOODS IN CONCESSIVE SENTENCES. 



115 



(b) They take eav Kat, kol idv, or idv, with, the Subjunctive 
referring to a future possibility, or what is rhetorically con- 
ceived to be possible. Kat idv introduces an extreme case, 
usually one which is represented as highly improbable. 

Gal. 6:1; eav Kat 7rpo\rjfx<p0r} dvBpwTro^ ev nvi 7ra/oa7rT(0/aart, u/xets ot 
TrvtvfxaTLKol KarapTL^ere tov tolovtov iv Trvev/xarL TrpavTrjTOS, even if 
a man be overtaken in any trespass, ye which are spiritual, restore such 
a one in a spirit of meekness. 

Gal. 1:8; akXa kol eav 17/Aeis rj ayyeAo? i£ ovpavov evayyeAto-^Tat 
[y/juv^\ Trap o ev-nyyekLad/xeOa vpuv, dvaOcp^a eara), but even if we, or 
an angel from heaven, preach unto you any gospel other than that 
which we preached unto you, let him be anathema. See also Luke 
22 : 67, 68; John 8 : 16 ; 10 : 38 ; Rom. 9 : 27. 

Rem. The apodosis after a concessive protasis referring to the future, 
sometimes has a Present Indicative, affirming what is true and will still 
be true though the supposition of the protasis be fulfilled. See John 
8 : 14 ; 1 Cor. 9 : 16. Cf. 263. 

286. The New Testament furnishes no clear instance of a concessive 
clause corresponding to the fourth class of conditional clauses. In 1 Pet. 
3 : 14, el /cat irdaxoire 5ta §lkolio<tvvt)v, fiaK&pioi, the use of /cat before ird<rx 0LTe 
suggests that the writer has in mind that suffering is apparently opposed 
to blessedness. Yet it is probable that he intends to affirm that blessed- 
ness comes, not in spite of, but through, suffering for righteousness 1 sake. 
(On the thought cf. Matt. 5 : 10 f.) Thus the protasis suggests, even 
intentionally, a concession, but is, strictly speaking, a true causal con- 
ditional clause. Cf. 282. 

287. The New Testament instances of concessive clauses correspond- 
ing to the fifth class of conditional clauses are few, and the concessive 
force is not strongly marked. See 2 Tim. 2 : 5 (first clause) under 260 ; 
2 Tim. 2 : 13. 

288. Concessive clauses in English are introduced by 
though, although, and even if, occasionally by if alone. Even 
if introduces an improbable supposition or one especially 
unfavorable to the fulfilment of the apodosis. Though and 



116 



THE MOODS. 



although with the Indicative usually imply an admitted fact. 
With the Subjunctive and Potential, with the Present Indica- 
tive in the sense of a Future, and with a Past tense of the 
Indicative in conditions contrary to fact, though and although 
have substantially the same force as even if. Even if thus 
corresponds in force very nearly to kch et ; though and although 

tO el KO.L. 

MOODS IN EELATIVE CLAUSES. 

289. Eelative Clauses are introduced by relative pronouns 
and by relative adverbs of time, place, and manner. 

They may be divided into two classes : 

I. Definite Eelative Clauses, i.e. clauses which refer to a 
definite and actual event or fact. The antecedent may be ex- 
pressed or understood. If not in itself definite, it is made so 
by the definiteness of the relative clause. 

II. Indefinite or Conditional Eelative Clauses, i.e. clauses 
which refer not to a definite and actual event, but to a sup- 
posed event or instance, and hence imply a condition. The 
antecedent may be expressed or understood ; if expressed, it is 
usually some indefinite or generic word. 

290. It should be observed that the distinction between the definite 
and the indefinite relative clause cannot be drawn simply by reference 
to the relative pronoun employed, or to the word which stands as the 
antecedent of the relative. A definite relative clause may be introduced 
by an indefinite relative pronoun or may have an indefinite pronoun as 
its antecedent. On the other hand, an indefinite relative clause may 
have as its antecedent a definite term, e.g., a demonstrative pronoun, and 
may be introduced by the simple relative. A clause and its antecedent 
are made definite by the reference of the clause to a definite and actual 
event ; they are made indefinite by the reference of the clause to a sup- 
posed event or instance. Thus if one say, lie received whatever profit 
was made, meaning, In a certain transaction, or in certain transactions, 
profit was made, and he received it, the relative clause is definite, because 



MOODS IN RELATIVE CLAUSES. 



117 



it refers to an actual event or series of events. But if one use the same 
words meaning, If any profit was made, he received it, the relative clause 
is indefinite, because it implies a condition, referring to an event — the 
making of profit — which is only supposed. In John 1 : 12, but as many 
as received him, to them gave he the right to become children of God, we 
are doubtless to understand the relative clause as definite, not because 
of the expressed antecedent, them, but because the clause refers to a 
certain class who actually received him. In Rom. 8 : 24, on the other 
hand, who hopeth for that which he seeth ? the relative clause apparently 
does not refer to a definite thing seen and an actual act of seeing, but 
is equivalent to a conditional clause, if he seeth anything. In Mark 3:11, 
whensoever they beheld him, they fell down before him, the form of the 
Greek sentence shows that the meaning is, If at any time they saw him, 
they were wont to fall down before him. That is, while the class of events 
is actual, the relative clause presents the successive instances distribu- 
tively as suppositions. These examples serve to show how slight may 
be the difference at times between a definite and an indefinite relative 
clause, and that it must often be a matter of choice for the writer whether 
he will refer to an event as actual, or present it as a supposition. 

291. Eelative clauses denoting purpose, and relative clauses 
introduced by ecus and other words meaning until, show special 
peculiarities of usage and require separate discussion. For 
purposes of treatment therefore we must recognize four classes 
of relative clauses. 

I. Definite relative clauses, excluding those which express 
purpose, and those introduced by words meaning until. 

II. Indefinite or Conditional relative clauses, excluding 
those which express purpose, and those introduced by words 
meaning until. 

III. Eelative clauses expressing purpose. 

IV. Eelative clauses introduced by words meaning until. 

I. Definite Eelative Clauses. 

292. Under the head of definite relative clauses are included 
not only adjective clauses introduced by relative pronouns, os, 



118 



THE MOODS. 



oo-tis, otos, 00-05, but all clauses of time, place, manner, and com- 
parison, such clauses being introduced by relative words, either 
pronouns, or adverbs, ore, w? (expressing either time or man- 
ner), ottov, uo-irep, etc. 

293. Moods in Definite Relative Clauses. Definite 
relative clauses in general (excluding III. and IV. above) 
show no special uses of mood and tense, but employ the 
verb as it is used in principal clauses. HA. 909 ; 6r. 1427. 

John 6:63; ra prjfxaTa a eya> XeXdXrjKa vplv Trvevp.6. eortv Kat £u)rj 

idTLv, the words that I have spoken unto you are spirit, and are life. 
John 12 : 36 ; cos to </>cos e\eTe, wWTeuere els to <pCjs, while ye have the 

light, believe on the light. 
Gal. 4:4; ore he -qXOev to irXr/pwfia tov xpdyov, e^air eo-TeiXev 6 Oebs 

tov vlbv avTov, but when the fulness of the time came, God sent forth 

his son. 

Jas. 2 : 26 ; ioo-7rep to crania xwpls Trvevp.aTOs veKpov ecrrtv, ovtco? Kat 

yj ttlo-tls x^P^ epywv veKpa. Icttlv, as the body apart from the spirit 

is dead, even so faith apart from ivorks is dead. 
Rev. 3:11; KpaYet o exeis, hold fast that which thou hast. 
Rev. 21 : 16 ; kcu to /xt}kos avTrjs oo~ov to ttXoltos, and the length thereof 

is as great as the breadth. Cf. Heb. 10 : 25. See also Matt. 26 : 19 ; 

Col. 2 : 6. 

294. A definite relative clause may imply a relation of 
cause, result, or concession, without affecting the mood or tense 
of the verb. HA. 910; G. 1445. 

Rom. 6:2; otnves a7re0a.vop.ev tyj dpapTia, ttus cti ^aop.ev iv avrrj, 

we who died to sin, how shall we any longer live therein ? 
Jas. 4:13,14; aye vvv ol XeyovTes 'Sr/uepov rj avpiov TropevaopeOa 
els TrjvSe tyjv ttoXlv Kat 7roirj(Topev eVet iviavrbv koll ip.7ropevo-6p.e0a 
Kat KephrjO-op-ev ' oiTives ovk knio'Ta.o'de Tr]s avpiov wota rj £a») v/xa>v, 

go to now, ye that say, To-day or to-morrow tee will go into this city, 
and spend a year there and trade and get gain: whereas [i.e. 
although"] ye know not of what sort your life will be on the morrow. 



MOODS IN RELATIVE CLAUSES. 



119 



295. All relative clauses whether adjective or adverbial may 
be distinguished as either restrictive or explanatory. A re- 
strictive clause defines its antecedent, indicating what person, 
thing, place, or manner is signified. An explanatory clause 
adds a description to what is already known or sufficiently 
defined. The former identifies, the latter describes. 

Restrictive clauses: John 15:20; /xvrj/xoveveTe rov Xoyov ov eyco ei7rov 

vfxlv, remember the word that I said unto you. 
Matt. 28:6; Sevre i'Sere rov toVov ottov 'Ikclto, come, see the place where 

he lay. 

Mark 2 : 20 ; eXcvaovTai Se rj/xepai orav airapOrj air avrtov 6 vvfxfylos, 

but days will come when the bridegroom shall be taken away from them. 
Explanatory clauses : Luke 4 : 16 ; kcu rjXQtv eis Na£apa, ov rjv reOpa/x- 

/xeVos, and he came to Nazareth, where he had been brought up. 
Eph. 6 : 17 ; ttjv p,dx aL P a v T °v 7rvevp.aTos, o ecrnv pr}p:a Oeov, the sword 

of the Spirit, which is the word of God. 



II. Conditional Relative Sentences. 

296. An indefinite relative clause, since it refers to a sup- 
posed event or instance, implies a condition, and is therefore 
called a conditional relative clause. HA. 912 ; G. 1428. 

Mark 10 : 43 ; os av OeXrj //.eyas yevecrOai iv vplv, earai v/xtov Skxkovos, 
whosoever would become great among you, shall be your minister. Cf . 
Mark 9 : 35 ; et ns OeXei 7rptoros elvac earai TrdvTmv ccr^aros Kat 
iravTuiv SiaKoi/os. It is evident that the relative clause in the former 
passage is as really conditional as the conditional clause in the 
latter. 

297. Since a conditional relative clause implies a supposi- 
tion, conditional relative sentences may be classified according 
to the nature of the implied supposition, as other conditional 
sentences are classified according to the expressed sup- 
position. 



120 



THE MOODS. 



298. The implied supposition may be particular or general. 
When the relative clause refers to a particular supposed event 
or instance, and the principal clause conditions its assertion on 
the occurrence of this event, the implied supposition is partic- 
ular. When the relative clause refers to any occurrence of an 
act of a certain class, and the principal clause states what is 
or was wont to take place in any instance of an act of the 
class supposed, the implied supposition is general. 

Thus in the sentence, The act which he believes to be wrong he will not 
do, if reference is had to a particular occasion, or to one made particular 
in thought, so that the sentence means, If on that occasion, or a certain 
occasion, he believes an act to be wrong, he will not do it, the implied 
supposition is particular. But in the sentence, Whatever act he [in any 
instance'] believes to be wrong, he does not [is not wont to] do, the implied 
supposition is general. Cf. 239. 

299. The distinction between the relative clause implying a particular 
supposition and the relative clause implying a general supposition is not 
marked either in Greek or in English by any uniform difference in the 
pronouns employed either in the relative clause or in the antecedent 
clause. The terms particular and general apply not to the relative or its 
antecedent, but to the implied supposition. Thus if one say, He received 
vjhatever profit was made, meaning, If [in a certain transaction] any 
profit was made, he received it, the relative clause implies a particular 
condition. But if one use the same words, meaning, If [in any transac- 
tion] any profit ivas made, [it was wont to happen that] he received it, the 
implied condition is general. So also in John 1 : 83, upon whomsoever 
thou shalt see the Spirit descending, and abiding upon him, the same is 
he that baptizeth with the Holy Spirit, we have not a general principle 
applying to any one of many cases, but a supposition and an assertion 
referring to a particular case. But in 1 John 3 : 22, whatsoever we ask, we 
receive of him, the supposition refers to any instance of asking, and is 
general. 

Whether the implied supposition is particular or general can usually 
be most clearly discerned from the nature of the principal clause. If 
this states what is true in a particular case, or expresses a command with 
reference to a particular case, the implied supposition is particular. If 
it states a general principle, or expresses a general injunction which 



MOODS IN RELATIVE CLAUSES. 



121 



applies in any instance of the event described in the relative clause, the 
implied supposition is usually general. Cf. 240. 

300. Of the six classes of conditional relative sentences 
found in classical Greek, but four occur in the New Testament, 
and these with considerable deviation from classical usage. 
They are designated here according to the kind of condition 
implied in the relative clause. 

301. A. Simple Present or Past Particular Suppo- 
sition. The relative clause states a particular supposition 
which refers to the present or past. It has a present or past 
tense of the Indicative. The principal clause may have 
any form of the verb. HA. 914, A ; G. 1430. 

Rom. 2 : 12 ; ocroi yap dvo/xws rj/juaprov, dvo/xcos kcu airoXovvrai • koli 
octol iv vo/xw -rjfxapTov, 8ta vo/jlov KpiOrjaovTai, for as many as have 
sinned without law shall also perish without law : and as many as have 
sinned under law shall he judged by law. 

Phil. 4:8; to Xolttov, a$eX<f>OL, ocra iarlv dXrjOrj, ocra cre/xvd, ocra Strata, 
ocra dyvd, ocra 7rpocr4>iXr), ocra evcjirj/xa, el tis apery] kox el tis eTraivos, 
ravra Xoyl^eaOe. See also 2 Cor. 2 : 10. 

Eem. Respecting the use of the negatives ^77 and ov in relative clauses 
of this class, see 469, 470. 

302. B. Supposition contrary to Fact. The rela- 
tive clause states a supposition which refers to the present 
or past implying that it is not, or was not, fulfilled. It 
has a past tense of the Indicative. The principal clause has 
a past tense of the Indicative with av. HA. 915 ; G. 1433. 

No instance occurs in the New Testament. 

303. C. Future Supposition with More Probability. 

The relative clause states a supposition which refers to the 



122 



THE MOODS. 



future, suggesting some probability of its fulfilment. It 
has the Subjunctive with av. The principal clause may 
have any form referring to future time. HA. 916 ; Gr. 1434. 

Matt. 5 : 19 ; os 8' av iroirjo-n kol 8t8a^, oiSros yueyas KX-qOrjaerai Iv rrj 
/ftunAeta ra>v ovpavuiv, but whosoever shall do and teach them, he shall 
be called great in the kingdom of heaven. 

Mark 13 : 11 ; kol otov aycocrtv tyzas 7rttpaSiSovres, fir) 7rpo/zepi/xi/aTe ri 
\a\r}o-r)Te, akX o iav SoOrj vplv iv iKUvrj Trj wpa tovto AaAetre, ov 
yap ecrre vp.el<; ol XolXovvtcs dXAa to 7rvevp,a to ay tov, and ivhen 
they lead you to judgment, and deliver you up, be not anxious before- 
hand what ye shall speak: but whatsoever shall be given you in that 
hour, that speak ye : for it is not ye that speak, but the Holy Ghost. 
See also Luke 13 : 25; Rev. 11 : 7; instances are very frequent in 
the New Testament. 

304. In the New Testament edv not infrequently stands in a condi- 
tional relative clause instead of the simple &v. Matt. 7 : 12 ; Mark 3 : 28 ; 
Luke 9 : 57 ; Acts 2 : 21, et al. See WH. n. App. p. 173. 

305. The Subjunctive with av in a relative clause is in the 
New Testament usually retained in indirect discourse, or in a 
sentence having the effect of indirect discourse, even after a 
past tense. Matt. 14 : 7 ; Eev. 12 : 4. Cf . 251. On Acts 25 : 16 
see 333, 344, Rem. 1. 

306. In addition to the relative clause having the Subjunc- 
tive with av (303), which is the regular form both in classical 
and New Testament Greek, the following forms of the relative 
clause also require mention as occurring in the New Testa- 
ment to express a future supposition with more probability : 

307. (a) The Subjunctive without av. This is very unusual 
in classical Greek in relative clauses referring to the future. 
In the New Testament also it is rare. Jas. 2 : 10 probably 
belongs here ; Matt. 10 : 33 also, if (with Treg. and WH. text) 

we read ocrrts Se apvr}crr)TaL p,e . . . apvr)0~op.ai. 



MOODS IN KELATIVE CLAUSES. 



123 



308. (6) The Future Indicative with, or without av. 

Matt. 5 : 41 ; oo-ns ere ayyapevaeL jxiXiov ev, uVaye fxer avrov 8vo, who- 
soever shall compel thee to go one mile, go with him two. See also 
Matt. 10 : 32 (cf . v. 33) ; 18 : 4 (cf. v. 5) ; 23 : 12 ; Mark 8 : 35 ; 
Luke 12 : 8, 10 ; 17 : 31 ; Acts 7:7; Rev. 4:9. Cf . WH. n. App. 
p. 172. 

309. (c) The Present Indicative with or without av. 

Mark 11 : 25; orav cr^Kere 7rpocrev)(6ii€voL, a4>Ure, whensoever ye stand 
praying, forgive. See also Matt. 5 : 39 ; Luke 12 : 34 ; John 12 : 26 ; 
14 : 3. 

310. There is no distinction in form either in Greek or in English 
between a relative clause implying a particular supposition, and a relative 
clause implying a general supposition, when the supposition refers to the 
future. The difference in thought is the same as that which distinguishes 
particular and general suppositions referring to the present or past. Cf. 
298, 299. In Matt. 26 : 48, whomsoever I shall kiss, that is he, the sup- 
position is particular, referring to a specific occasion and event. So also 
in 1 Cor. 16 : 3. But in Luke 9 : 4, into whatsoever house ye enter, there 
abide, and thence depart, the supposition is general, referring to any one 
of a class of acts. A large part of the conditional relative clauses referring 
to the future found in the New Testament are apparently general. See, 
e.g., Matt. 5 : 19 ; 10 : 14 ; 16 : 25 ; Mark 11 : 23 ; Luke 8 : 18, etc. Yet 
in many cases it is possible to suppose that a particular imagined instance 
was before the mind of the writer as an illustration of the general class 
of cases. 

311. D. Future Supposition with Less Probability. 

The relative clause states a supposition which refers to the 
future, suggesting less probability of its fulfilment than is 
implied by the Subjunctive with av. It has the Optative 
without av. The principal clause has the Optative with 
civ. HA. 917 ; a. 1436. 

No instance occurs in the New Testament. 

312. E. Present General Supposition. The relative 
clause refers to any occurrence of a class of acts in the 



124 



THE MOODS. 



general present, and the principal clause states what is 
wont to take place in any instance of the act referred to 
in the relative clause. The relative clause has the Sub- 
junctive with ai>, the principal clause the Present In- 
dicative. HA. 914, B. (1) ; a. 1431, 1. 

1 Cor. 11 : 26 ; octolkls yap iav £o~$ir)Te rbv aprov tovtov kol to 7roTrjpiov 
7TLvr)T€, tov Odvarov tov Kvpiov Ka.TayyeAA.eTe, axp L ov eXOrj, for as 

often as ye eat this bread, and drink the cup, ye proclaim the Lord's 
death, till he come. See also Matt. 15 : 2 ; Mark 10 : 11 ; Rev. 9 : 5. 

Kem. Concerning the use of idv for av, see 304. 

313. The Present Indicative not infrequently occurs in con- 
ditional relative clauses which apparently imply a present 
general supposition. 6r.MT. 534. Yet in most such passages 
in the New Testament, it is possible that a particular imagined 
instance in the present or future is before the mind as an 
illustration of the general class of cases. Cf. 301, 309. It is 
scarcely possible to decide in each case whether the supposi- 
tion is particular or general. The difference of meaning is in 
any case slight. 

Luke 14 : 27 ; octis ov /?aorTa£ei tov aravpov kavTov kol lp\erai 6tt[o-u> 
piov, ov Svvarai elvat p.ov pia6r)Trj<5, whosoever doth not bear his own 
cross and come after me, cannot be my disciple. See also Matt. 10 : 38 ; 
13 : 12 (cf . Luke 8 : 18) ; Luke 7 : 47 ; John 3:8; Rom. 6:16; 9 : 18; 
1 Cor. 15 : 36, 37 ; Heb. 12 : 6. 

314. Concerning the similarity of the third and fifth classes of condi- 
tional relative clauses, cf. 262. The statements there made respecting 
ordinary conditional sentences are applicable also to conditional relative 
sentences. See Mark 3 : 28, 29 ; Luke 9 : 24, 48 ; 1 John 3 : 22. 

315. F. Past General Supposition. The relative clause 
refers to any occurrence of a certain act or class of acts, 
and the principal clause states what was wont to take 



MOODS IN RELATIVE CLAUSES. 



125 



place in any instance of the act referred to in the relative 
clause. In classical Greek, the relative clause has the Op- 
tative without ay, the principal clause the Imperfect Indic- 
ative. HA. 914, B. (2) ; a. 1431, 2. 

In the New Testament, the Optative does not occur 
in such clauses, the Imperfect or Aorist Indicative with 
av being used instead. Cf. 26. 

Mark 3 : 11 ; kol to. 7rv€vpuxra tol aKa.da.pra, orav avrbv edewpovv, irpo<T- 
€ttltttov olvtu> Kol €K/>a£ov, and the unclean spirits, whensoever they 
beheld him, were wont to fall down before him and cry out. See also 
Mark 6:56; 11:19; Acts 2:45; 4:35; 1 Cor. 12:2; cf. Gen. 
2 : 19; 1 Sam. 2 : 13, 14. 

316. In the New Testament, relative clauses conditional in 
form are sometimes definite in force. 

Mark 2 : 20 ; iXevaovrai Be rjfxepaL orav ajrapOrj air avroiv 6 vvp:cf>[o<;, 
but days will come when the bridegroom shall be taken away from them. 
See also Luke 5 : 35 ; 13 : 28 ; Rev. 8:1. 

III. Relative Clauses expressing Purpose. 

317. Relative Clauses of Pure Purpose. Relative 
clauses expressing purpose take the Future Indicative 
both in classical and New Testament Greek. II A. 911 ; 
a. 1442; B. p. 229 ; WM. p. 386, f. n. 

Matt. 21 : 41 ; rhv d/x7reAcova eKScao-erat aAAoi? yeoopyoi?, oiTives a.7ro- 
huidovaiv au'ra) rovs Kap-n-ovs, he will let out the vineyard unto other 
husbandmen, which shall render him the fruits. See also Acts 6 : 3. 

318. Complementary relative clauses expressing that for 
which a person or thing is fitted, or other similar relation, take 
the Subjunctive or the Future Indicative both in classical and 
New Testament Greek. 6r.MT. 572; Hale in T.A.P.A. 1893, 
pp. 156 ff. 



126 



THE MOODS. 



Heb. 8:3; oOev dvay koIov *X eLV rt kol tovtov o 7rpoo~eveyKr), wherefore 
it is necessary that this high priest also have somewhat to offer. See also 
Mark 14 : 14 ; Luke 11:6; 22 : 11. In Luke 7:4a complementary 
relative clause limiting the adjective a£ios has the Future Indicative. 

319. The clauses referred to in 318 are to be distinguished from true 
relative clauses of purpose in that they do not express the purpose with 
which the action denoted by the principal clause is done, but constitute a 
complementary limitation of the principal clause. Cf. the clause with 
I'm (215-217) and the Infinitive (368) expressing a similar relation. 

The Subjunctive in such clauses is probably in origin a Deliberative 
Subjunctive. Thus in Mark 14 : 14, irov kurlv to KaTdXvfid ixov oirov to 
Trdo-x a fACTa tQ>v fxadrjTQv fiov (pdyw, the relative clause oirov . . . <pdyo 
reproduces in dependent construction the thought of the deliberative 
question irov . . . (pdyw. The same explanation doubtless applies, though 
less obviously, to the Subjunctive in Acts 21 : 16, and to the Future in 
Luke 7:4. In both instances the thought of a deliberative question is 
reproduced in the relative clause. Cf. the clauses similar in force, but 
employing an interrogative pronoun, 346. See Tarbell in CI. Bev. July 
1891, p. 302 {contra, Earle in CI. Bev. March 1892, pp. 93-95); Hale 
in T.A.P.A., 1893. 

320. The Optative sometimes occurs after a past tense in these delib- 
erative relative clauses in classical Greek. There are, however, no New 
Testament instances of the Optative so used. 

IV. Eelative Clauses Introduced by Words Meaning 
Until, While, and Before. 

321. "Eo)<s is properly a relative adverb which marks one 
action as the temporal limit of another action. It does this 
in two ways, either (a) so that the beginning or simple occur- 
rence of the action of the verb introduced by ew? is the limit 
of the action denoted by the principal verb, or (b) so that the 
continuance of the former is the limit of the latter. In the 
former case ew? means until, in the latter, while, as long as. 

On the classical use of coos and similar words, see HA. 920- 
924 ; G. 1463-1474; GMT. 611-661; Gild, in A.J.P. iv. 



MOODS LN" RELATIVE CLAUSES. 



127 



416-418. On Io>s in Hellenistic Greek see G. W. Gilmore in 
J.B.L., 1890, pp. 153-160. 

322. Clauses Introduced by eca? and referring- to the 

Future. When the clause introduced by «w? depends on 
a verb of future time, and refers to a future contingency, it 
takes the Subjunctive with av both in classical and New 
Testament Greek. 

Mark 6 : 10 ; ckci fxivere etos av iieXOrjre €/cei#€v, there abide till ye 
depart thence. See also Matt. 5 : 18 ; 12 : 20 ; Luke 9 : 27 ; 1 Cor. 4 : 5. 

323. In classical Greek, especially in tragic poetry, the 
Subjunctive without aV sometimes occurs with ecu? after a 
verb of present or future time. GMT. 620. In the New 
Testament this construction is frequent. 

Luke 15:4; koll 7ropeveTai i-rrl to a7roAa>Aos ecus tvpy avro, and goeth 
after that which is lost, until he find it. See also Matt. 10 : 23 ; Luke 
12 : 59 ; 22 : 34. 

324. Clauses Introduced by e&>? and referring to 
what was in Past Time a Future Contingency. When 
the clause introduced by &o? depends on a verb of past 
time and refers to what was at the time of the principal 
verb conceived of as a future contingency, it takes the 
Optative without av in classical Greek. In the New Tes- 
tament it takes the Subjunctive without av. 

Matt. 18 : 30 ; e/3aAev avrbv eis <£uAa/o)y ecos a.7ro8a) to d<f>eL\6fxevov, 

he cast him into prison till he should pay that which ivas due. 

325. The Subjunctive after 2ws in the New Testament is always an 
Aorist, the action denoted being conceived of as a simple event, and ^ws 
meaning properly until. Thus the accurate translation of Mark 14 : 32 
(Matt. 26 : 36 is similar), Kadiaare w5e 2ws irpocrev&ixai, is, Sit ye here till 



12& 



THE MOODS. 



I pray, or have prayed (cf. 98). While I pray (R.V.) is slightly para- 
phrastic. Cf . Luke 17 : 8. 

326. Clauses Introduced by ew? (until) and referring 
to a Past Fact. When ew? means until and the clause 
introduced by it refers to an actual past occurrence, the 
verb of this clause is in a past tense of the Indicative, as in 
an ordinary relative clause referring to past time. 

Matt. 2 : 9 ; 6 acrTrjp . . . 7rporjyev avrovs, ecu? i\6(ov karaBt] liravio ov 
rjv to 7rat8tW, the star . . . went before them, till it came arid stood 
over where the young child was. 

327. Clauses Introduced by eas (while) and referring 
to a Contemporaneous Event. When ew? means while 
and the clause introduced by it refers to an event contem- 
poraneous with that of the principal verb, it has the con- 
struction of an ordinary relative clause. Cf. 293. 

John 9:4; rj/jLas Set ipyd^eaOou to, cpya tov Tre/x^avrog p.e ecos ^/xipa 
Io-tlv, we must work the works of him that sent me, while it is day. 

328. In John 21 : 22, 23 ; 1 Tim. 4 : 13, the exact meaning of £wr 
epxoM at is probably while I am coming, the coming being conceived of as 
in progress from the time of speaking. Cf. Luke 9 : 13. In 1 Cor. 4 : 5 
on the other hand it is thought of as a future event. In Mark 6 : 45 ewj 
awoXvei represents 2ws airoXvu of the direct form (cf. 347), the original 
sentence meaning, go before me while I am sending away, etc. 

329. When the ews clause refers to the future or to what was at the 
time of the principal verb the future (322-326), it frequently has the 
force of a conditional relative clause. See Matt. 18 : 30 ; Luke 15 : 4. 
When it refers to an actual event (327, 328), it is an ordinary temporal 
clause (293), requiring special mention here only to distinguish these 
usages from those described above. 

330. In the New Testament 2ws is sometimes followed by ov or 6Vou. 
*Ea>s is then a preposition governing the genitive of the relative pronoun, 



MOODS IN RELATIVE CLAUSES. 



129 



but the phrase e«s ov or ews otov is in effect a compound conjunction hav- 
ing the same force as the simple ews. The construction following it is 
also the same, except that &v never occurs after ews ov or eas otov. See 
Matt. 5 : 25 ; 13 : 33 ; John 9 : 18 ; Acts 23 : 12. 

331. Clauses introduced by a^ot, axpt ov, a^pt fjs yjfxipm, jue'xpi 
and p-e'xpts ov have in general the same construction and force 
as clauses introduced by ew?, ews ov, and ews orov. 

Mark 13 : 30 ; <rJ fxrj 7rap£\6r) rj yevea aurry p-e^pi? ou raura iravra 
yivrjTai. 

Acts 7 : 18 ; rjvirjo-ev 6 Aaos kcu iirXrjOvvOr} eV Arywra), axjoi oil 
avearr) (3amXev<; erepo? eV Aiyv7rroi/. See also Rev. 15:8; 20:3; 
Luke 17 : 27 ; Acts 27 : 33. 

Rev. 7:3; /at) a8iKrjo~r]Te rrjv yrjv . . . crypt cr^>payt(ro>/xev roi>? SouAov? 
toi) #eoi). 

332. Gal. 3 : 19 [ WH. text] furnishes one instance of axpts &v with a 
word meaning until after a verb of past time [WH. margin, Tisch., and 
Treg. read #x/° ts °S] ; cf . 324. Rev. 2 : 25 contains the combination &xp l 
ov &v with the Future Indicative ; cf. 330. Rev. 17 : 17 contains a Future 
Indicative with &xp i after a past tense. 

333. Clauses introduced by irpiv and employing a finite 
mood have in general the same construction as clauses intro- 
duced by coo?. 

The New Testament, however, contains but two instances of a finite 
verb after irpiv, Luke 2 : 26 ; Acts 25 : 16. In both cases the clause is in 
indirect discourse, and expresses what was from the point of view of the 
original statement a future contingency. In Luke 2 : 26 the Subjunctive 
with av is retained from the direct discourse. In Acts 25 : 16 the Optative 
represents a Subjunctive with or without &v of the direct discourse. 
Cf. 341-344. 

Rem. 1. The employment of a finite mood rather than an Infinitive 
in these instances is in accordance with classical usage. Cf. 382, and 
G. 1470. 

Rem. 2. In Acts 25 : 16 17 occurs after irpiv, and in Luke 2 : 26 it 
appears as a strongly attested variant reading. Attic writers used the 
simple irpiv with the finite moods. Cf. 381. 



130 



THE MOODS. 



MOODS IN INDIEEOT DISCOUKSE. 

334. When words once uttered or thought are afterward 
quoted, the quotation may be either direct or indirect. In a 
direct quotation the original statement is repeated without 
incorporation into the structure of the sentence in the midst of 
which it now stands. In. an indirect quotation the original 
sentence is incorporated into a new sentence as a subordinate 
element dependent upon a verb of saying, thinking, or the like, 
and suffers such modification as this incorporation requires. 
The following example will illustrate : 

Original sentence (direct discourse), / will come. 
Direct quotation, He said, " I will come." 
Indirect quotation, He said that he would come. 

Rem. The distinction between direct discourse and indirect is not one 
of the exactness of the quotation. Direct quotation may be inexact, In- 
direct quotation may be exact. Suppose, for example, that the original 
statement was, There are good reasons why I should act thus. If one say, 
He said, " I have good reasons for acting thus,'''' the quotation is direct 
but inexact. If one say, He said that there were good reasons why he 
should act thus, the quotation is exact though indirect. 

335. Direct quotation manifestly requires no special discus- 
sion, since the original statement is simply transferred to the 
new sentence without incorporation into its structure. 

336. Indirect quotation, on the other hand, involving a re- 
adjustment of the original sentence to a new point of view, 
calls for a determination of the principles on which this re- 
adjustment is made. Its problem is most simply stated in 
the form of the question, What change does the original form 
of a sentence undergo when incorporated into a new sentence 
as an indirect quotation ? All consideration of the principles 



MOODS IN INDIRECT DISCOURSE. 



131 



of indirect discourse must take as its starting point the origi- 
nal form of the words quoted. 

For the student of Greek that expresses his own thought in 
another language, it will also be necessary to compare the 
idiom of the two languages. See 351 ff. 

337. The term indirect discourse is commonly applied only 
to indirect assertions and indirect questions. Commands, 
promises, and hopes indirectly quoted might without impro- 
priety be included under the term, but are, in general, ex- 
cluded because of the difficulty of drawing the line between 
them and certain similar usages, in which, however, no direct 
form can be thought of. Thus the Infinitive after a verb of 
commanding might be considered the representative in indi- 
rect discourse of an Imperative in the direct discourse ; some- 
what less probably the Infinitive after a verb of wishing might 
be supposed to represent an Optative of the direct ; while for 
the Infinitive after verbs of striving, which in itself can 
scarcely be regarded as of different force from those after 
verbs of commanding and wishing, no direct form can be 
thought of. 

338. Concerning commands indirectly quoted, see 204. Con- 
cerning the Infinitive after verbs of promising, see 391. 

339. Indirect assertions in Greek take three forms : 

(a) A clause introduced by on or ws. In the New Testa- 
ment, however, <os is not so used. 

(b) An Infinitive with its subject expressed or understood. 
See 390. 

(c) A Participle agreeing with the object of a verb of per- 
ceiving, and the like. See 460. 



132 



THE MOODS. 



340. Indirect Questions are introduced by d or other inter- 
rogative word ; the verb is in a finite mood. HA. 930 ; G. 
1605. 

341. Classical Usage in Indirect Discourse. In indi- 
rect assertions after ore and in indirect questions, classical 
usage is as follows : 

(«) When the leading verb on which the quotation de- 
pends denotes present or future time, the mood and tense 
of the direct discourse are retained in the indirect. 

(5) When the leading verb on which the quotation de- 
pends denotes past time, the mood and tense of the direct 
discourse may be retained in the indirect, or the tense may 
be retained and an Indicative or Subjunctive of the direct 
discourse may be changed to an Optative. HA. 932 ; 6r. 
1497. 

342. The above rule applies to all indirect quotations in 
which the quotation is expressed by a finite verb, and includes 
indirect quotations of simple sentences and both principal and 
subordinate clauses of complex sentences indirectly quoted. 

The classical grammars enumerate certain constructions in which an 
Indicative of the original sentence is uniformly retained in the indirect 
discourse. These cases do not, however, require treatment here, the gen- 
eral rule being sufficient as a basis for the consideration of New Testament 
usage. 

343. New Testament Usage in Indirect Discourse. In 

indirect assertions after on and in indirect questions, New 
Testament usage is in general the same as classical usage. 
Such peculiarities as exist pertain chiefly to the relative 
frequency of different usages. See 344-349. 



MOODS IN INDIRECT DISCOURSE. 



133 



John 11:27; eyto iztirio-r^vKa on o~v et 6 xP La " ro< * o v ^os T0 ^ 0cov, 

7 /^ave believed that thou art the Christ, the Son of God. 
Gal. 2 : 14; etSov on ouk 6p0o7roSovcnv, I saw that they were not walking 
uprightly. 

Matt. 20 : 10 ; iXOovres oi irpoiroi ivo/jacrav on 7rXeiov Xrj p.tf/ovr ai, when 
the first came, they supposed that they would receive more. 

Mark 9:6; ov yap rjSa re aTroKptOfj, for he wist not what to answer. 

Luke 8:9; lir-qp^Tinv 6e avrov oi p,a$-qral avrov rts avrt) u-q rj Trapa- 
fioXrj, and his disciples asked him what this parable ivas. 

Luke 24 : 23 ; rjXOav Xeyovcrai kol oirraatav ayyiXoiv ewpa/ceVat, ot 
Xeyovaiv avrov Qrjv, they came saying that they had also seen a vision 
of angels, which said that he was alive. In this example the principal 
clause of the direct discourse is expressed in the indirect discourse 
after a verb of past time by an Infinitive, while the subordinate 
clause retains the tense and mood of the original. 

Acts 5 : 24 ; ht-qiropovv 7repl avruiv ri av yivoiro rovro, they were per- 
plexed concerning them whereunto this would grow. But for av in 
this sentence, it might be thought that the direct form was a 
deliberative question having the Subjunctive or Future Indicative. 
But in the absence of evidence that av was ever added to an 
Optative arising under the law of indirect discourse, it must be 
supposed that the indirect discourse has preserved the form of 
the direct unchanged, and that this was therefore a Potential 
Optative with protasis omitted. See also Luke 6 : 11; 15 : 26; 
Acts 10 : 17. 

344. The Optative occurs in indirect discourse much less 
frequently in the New Testament than in classical Greek. 
It is found only in Luke's writings, and there almost exclusive- 
ly in indirect questions. 

Rem. 1. Acts 25 : 16 contains the only New Testament instance of an 
Optative in the indirect quotation of a declarative sentence. (But cf. 
347 and 258.) It here stands in a subordinate clause which in the direct 
discourse would have had a Subjunctive with or without dv. ; lf the &v be 
supposed to have been in the original sentence (cf. Luke 2 : 26), it has 
been dropped in accordance with regular usage in such cases. HA. 934; 
G. 1497, 2. 



134 



THE MOODS. 



Rem. 2. The clause fi-qirore S^'t? [or 5^77] aureus 6 Oebs fxerdpoLav in 2 Tim. 
2 : 25 is regarded by B. p. 256, Moulton, WM. pp. 374, 631, foot notes, 
as an indirect question. But concerning the text and the interpretation, 
see 225. 

345. In quoting declarative sentences the indirect form is 
comparatively infrequent in the New Testament, the direct 
form either with or without 6Vi being much more frequent. 
The presence of 6Yi before a quotation is in the New Testament 
therefore not even presumptive evidence that the quotation is 
indirect. The on is of course redundant. 

Luke 7 : 48 ; et7rev Se avrrj 'A^ewrat crov at a/xaprtat, and he said 

unto her, Thy sins are forgiven. 
John 9:9; e/<etvo? eAeyev on 'Eyw ei/xi, he said, I am he. 

Rem. The redundant 6'n sometimes occurs even before a direct ques- 
tion. Mark 4 : 21, et al. 

346. Indirect deliberative questions are sometimes found 
after e^w and other similar verbs which do not properly take a 
question as object. The interrogative clause in this case serves 
the purpose of a relative clause and its antecedent, while retain- 
ing the form which shows its origin in a deliberative question. 

Mark 6 : 36 ; Iva . . . ayopao~oio~iv iavTols ri <£aycocriv, that . . . they 

may buy themselves somewhat to eat. 
Luke 9 : 58 ; 6 Se vtos rov avOpwirov ovk c^ei ttov r-qv Kt<f>a\r)v kXlvjj, 

but the Son of man hath not where to lay his head. See also Matt. 

8 : 20 ; Mark 8 : 1, 2 ; Luke 12 : 17. 

347. The principles of indirect discourse apply to all sub- 
ordinate clauses which express indirectly the thoughts of 
another or of the speaker himself, even when the construc- 
tion is not strictly that of indirect discourse. HA. 937 ; G. 
1502. See New Testament examples under 258. 

348. Both in classical and New Testament Greek, the Im- 
perfect occasionally stands in indirect discourse after a verb of 



MOODS IN INDIRECT DISCOURSE. 



135 



past time as the representative of a Present of the direct dis- 
course, and a Pluperfect as the representative of the Perfect. 
Thus exceptional Greek usage coincides with regular English 
usage. HA. 936 ; G. 1489. 

John 2 : 25 ; avros yap iytvoxTKev tl rjv iv to dv0po)7T(jo, for he himself 
knew what was in man. See also Acts 19 : 32. 

349. In classical Greek, ocms is used in introducing indirect 
questions. HA. 1011; G. 1600. In the New Testament it is 
not so employed, but there are a few passages in which it is 
apparently used as an interrogative pronoun in a direct ques- 
tion. 

It is so taken by Mey., B., WH., et al. in Mark 9 : 11, 28, and by WH. 
in Mark 2 : 16. See B. pp. 252 f. ; Th., ocrrts, 4 ; also (contra) WM. p. 
208, f.n. ; WT. p. 167. 

350. The simple relative pronouns and adverbs are some- 
times used in indirect questions in the New Testament as in 
classical Greek. HA. 1011, a; G. 1600; J. 877, Obs. 3; B. 
pp. 250 f. 

Luke 8 : 47 ; BC rjv alrlav rjipaTO avrov airrjyyuXev, she declared for 
what cause she had touched him. See also Mark 5 : 19, 20 ; Acts 
14 : 27 ; 15 : 14. 

r 

351. Indirect Discourse in English and in Greek. 
From what has been said above, it appears that the tense of a 
verb standing in a clause of indirect discourse in Greek does 
not express the same relation between the action denoted and 
the time of speaking as is expressed by a verb of the same 
tense standing in a principal clause ; or, to speak more exactly, 
does not describe it from the same point of view. A verb in 
a principal clause views its action from the point of view of 
the speaker. A verb in an indirect quotation, on the other 
hand, views its action from the point of view of another person, 
viz. the original author of the words quoted. It has also 



136 



THE MOODS. 



appeared that in certain cases the mood of the Greek verb is 
changed when it is indirectly quoted. Now it is evident that 
in order to translate the Greek sentence containing a clause of 
indirect discourse into English correctly and intelligently, we 
must ascertain what English usage is in respect to the tenses 
and moods of the verbs of indirect discourse ; otherwise we 
have no principle by which to determine what English tense 
and mood properly represent a given Greek tense and mood 
in indirect discourse. Furthermore, since Greek usage has 
been expressed in terms of the relation between the original 
utterance and the quotation, it will be expedient to state Eng- 
lish usage in the same way. An example will illustrate at the 
same time the necessity of formulating the law and of formu- 
lating it in terms of relation to the direct form. 

(1) He has seen a vision. (2) 07rra<riav ecapaKev. 

(3) They said that he had seen a vision. (4) dirov on oTTTacrCav ewpaKev. 

The sentences marked (1) and (2) express the same idea 
and employ corresponding tenses. The sentences marked (3) 
and (4) represent respectively the indirect quotation of (1) 
and (2) after a verb of past time, and express therefore the 
same meaning. They do not, however, employ corresponding 
tenses, the Greek using a Perfect, the English a Pluperfect. 
It is evident therefore that the principle of indirect discourse 
is not the same in English as in Greek, and that we cannot 
translate (4) into (3) by the same principle of equivalence of 
tenses which we employ in direct assertions. To translate 
(4) we must first restore (2) by the Greek law of indirect dis- 
course, then translate (2) into (1), and finally by the English 
law of indirect discourse construct (3) from (1) and the trans- 
lation of the Greek €i7rov. This process requires the formula- 
tion of the law of indirect discourse for English as well as for 
Greek. 



MOODS IN INDIRECT DISCOURSE. 



137 



352. English usage in indirect discourse is illustrated in the 
following examples : 



Direct form 

Indirect, after present tense 
" " future " 
" " past " 

Direct form 

Indirect, after present tense 
" " future " 
" " past " 

Direct form 

Indirect, after present tense 
" " future " 
" " past " 

Direct form ....... 

Indirect, after present tense 
" " future " 
" " past " 



/ see the city. 

He says that he sees the city. 
He will say that he sees the city. 
He said that he saw the city. 
I saw the city. 

He says that he saw the city. 

He will say that he saw the city. 

He said that he had seen the city. 

I shall see the city. 

He says that he shall see the city. 

He will say that he shall see the city. 

He said that he should see the city. 

I may see the city. 

He says that he may see the city. 

He will say that he may see the city. 

He said that he might see the city. 



From these examples we may deduce the following rule for 
indirect discourse in English : 

(a) After verbs of present or future time, the mood and tense 
of the direct discourse are retained in the indirect discourse. 

(b) After verbs of past time, the mood of the direct dis- 
course is retained, but the tense is changed to that tense which 
is past relatively to the time of the direct discourse. 

Thus, see becomes saw ; saw becomes had seen ; shall see becomes 
should see (the change of mood here is only apparent) ; may see 
becomes might see, etc. 

Rem. In questions and in conditional clauses a Present Indicative of 
the direct form may become a Past Subjunctive in indirect quotation after 
a verb of past time. See Luke 3:15; Acts 10 : 18 ; 20 : 17, e.v. 

353. Comparing this with the Greek rule, we may deduce 
the following principles for the translation into English of 
clauses of indirect discourse in Greek : 



138 



THE MOODS. 



(a) When the quotation is introduced by a verb of present 
or future time, translate the verbs of the indirect discourse 
by the same forms which would be used in ordinary direct 
discourse. 

(&) When the quotation is introduced by a verb of past 
time, if there are Optatives which represent Indicatives or 
Subjunctives of the direct discourse, first restore in thought 
these Indicatives or Subjunctives, then translate each Greek 
verb by that English verb which is relatively past to that 
which would correctly translate the same verb standing in 
direct discourse. 

354. The statement of English usage in indirect discourse 
is presented in the form adopted above for the sake of brevity 
and convenience of application. It is, however, rather a for- 
mula than a statement which represents the process of thought. 
In order to apprehend clearly the difference between English 
and Greek usage it must be recognized that certain English 
tenses have, not like the Greek tenses a two-fold function, but 
a three-fold. They mark (1) the temporal relation of the point 
of view from which the action is described to the time of 
speaking ; (2) the temporal relation of the action described to 
this point of view; (3) the conception of the action as re- 
spects its progress. Thus in the sentence, / had been read- 
ing, (1) the point of view from which the act of reading is 
viewed is past, (2) the action itself is previous to that point of 
view, and (3) it is viewed as in progress. He will not go is a 
Future from a present point of view presenting the action as a 
simple event. In the sentence, When he came, I ivas reading, 
I was reading would be more accurately described as a Present 
progressive from a past point of view, than as a Past progres- 
sive from a present point of view. In other instances the same 
form might be a Past from a present point of view. These 



MOODS IN INDIRECT DISCOURSE. 



139 



triple-function tenses have perhaps their chief use in English 
in indirect discourse, but are used also in direct discourse. 
Many of them are derived by the process of composition, out 
of which so many English tenses have arisen, from verb-forms 
which originally had only the two-fold function, but their 
existence in modern English is none the less clearly estab- 
lished. Professor W. G-. Hale 1 in A.J. P., vol. viii. pp. 66 ff., 
has set forth the similar three-fold function of the Latin tenses 
in the Indicative Mood. But it should be noticed that the 
English has developed this three-fold function more clearly 
even than the Latin. For example, the antecedence of an 
action to a past point of view is in Latin only implied in the 
assertion of its completeness at that past point of time. But 
in English this antecedence may be affirmed without affirming 
the completeness of the act. 

Bearing in mind this three-fold function of certain English 
tenses, the difference between Greek and English usage in in- 
direct discourse may be stated comprehensively as follows : 

The Greek, while adopting in indirect discourse the point of 
view of the person quoting as respects the person of verbs and 
pronouns, and while sometimes after a verb of past time mark- 
ing the dependent character of the statement by the nse of the 
Optative in place of an Indicative or Subjunctive of the origi- 
nal statement, yet as respects tense, regularly carries over into 
the indirect discourse the point of view of the original state- 
ment, treating it as if it were still present. What was present 
to the original speaker is still treated from his point of view, 
as present; what was past, as past; what was future, as future. 

In English, on the other hand, in quoting a past utterance, 

1 Professor Hale's article furnished the suggestion for the view of the 
English tenses presented here. 



140 



THE MOODS. 



the fact that it is past is not only indicated by the past tense 
of the verb which introduces the quotation, but still further 
by the employment of a tense in the quotation which marks the 
point of view from which the act is looked at as past. Thus 
in Greek a prediction expressed originally by a Future tense, 
when afterward quoted after a verb of past time, is still ex- 
pressed by a Future, the act being viewed as future from the 
assumed point of view, and this point of view being treated as 
present or its character as past being ignored. But in English 
such a prediction is expressed by a Past-future, i.e. by the 
English tense which describes an action as future from a past 
point of view. Thus in quoting oif/opac, I shall see, in indirect 
discourse, one says in Greek, elirev on 6'i//erai ; but in English, he 
said that he should see. Similarly, a statement made originally 
by the Perfect tense, when quoted after a verb of past time, 
is still expressed by a Perfect tense in Greek, but in English 
by a Pluperfect. Thus fjixdpTrjKa, I have sinned; ei7rev on 
fjfidpTrjKev, he said that he had sinned. 

When we pass to quotations after verbs of present time, the 
usages of the two languages naturally coincide, since the differ- 
ence between the point of view of the original utterance and 
the quotation, which in English gave rise to a change of tense 
not however made in Greek, disappears. The point of view of 
the original statement is in both languages retained and 
treated as present, because it is present. Thus iXevo-ofxai, I shall 
come, requires only a change of person in quotation after a verb 
of present time, Xiyei on iXevo-ercu, he says that he shall come. 

It might naturally be anticipated that in quotations after 
verbs of future time, where again the time of the original 
statement differs from that of the quotation, there would arise 
a difference of usage between English and Greek. Such how- 
ever is not the case. What the Greek does after a verb of 



MOODS IN INDIRECT DISCOURSE. 



141 



past time, the English, as well as the Greek does after a verb 
of future time, viz. treats the point of view of the original 
utterance as present. Thus let us suppose the case of one 
predicting what a person just now departing will say when he 
returns. He has not yet seen anything, but it is imagined that 
when he returns he will say, I have seen all things. The asser- 
tion of this by he will say, takes the form he will say that he 
has seen all things; just as in Greek one quoting kupaKa -n-avra 
after ipel says ipei 6Vt cwpaKev 7ravra. Thus the person quoting 
does not describe the event from his own point of view — this 
would require he will see, nor does he mark the fact that the 
point of view of the utterance is different from his own — this 
would require he will have seen; but treats the point of view 
of the person whose expected language he quotes in advance, 
as if it were present. Thus while the Greek is consistent in 
simply adopting the conceived point of view of the future 
statement, the English departs from the principle which it fol- 
lows after past tenses, and follows here the same method as 
the Greek. 

355. These facts enable us to see that it would be incorrect to say- 
that the tense of the direct discourse is in Greek determined from the 
point of view of the original speaker, in English from the point of view of 
the person who makes the quotation. The correct statement is that in 
both languages the act is looked at from the point of view of the original 
speaker, but that the two languages differ somewhat in their method of 
indicating the relation of this point of view to the time of the quotation. 
This difference, however, pertains only to quotations whose point of view 
is past. Its precise nature has already been stated (354). When the 
point of view is present or future the usage of the two languages is 
identical. 

356. The comparison of English and Greek usage may 
be reduced to articulated statement as follows : English usage 
is like Greek usage in three respects, and different in two 
respects. 



142 



THE MOODS. 



I. It is like Greek in that, 

(a) It adapts the person of the pronouns and verbs of the 
original utterance to the point of view of the quoter. 

(b) It looks at the act described in the quotation from the 
point of view of the original statement. 

(c) After a verb of present or future time this point of view 
of the original utterance is treated in the quotation as present, 
as after verbs of present time it is in fact. 

II. It differs from Greek in that, 

(a) While it looks at the act from the point of view of the 
original statement, if that point of view is past it designates 
it as past, using a tense which describes the action from a past 
point of view. A Past of the original utterance becomes in 
the quotation a Past-past ; a Future becomes a Past-future, 
etc. This the Greek does not do, having in general no tense 
which has this double temporal power. 

(b) It does not as a rule change the original mood of the 
verb in quotation. Most apparent changes of mood, such as 
will to would, are changes of tense. But cf. 352, Eem. 

CONSTRUCTION AFTER Kal eye'vero. 

357. Clause or Infinitive as the Subject of iyevero. 
By a Hebraism Kal iyevero and iyevero 8e, Septuagint ren- 
derings of TPl, are used in the New Testament (Matt.^ 
Mark, Luke, Acts) to introduce a clause or an Infinitive 
which is logically the subject of the iyevero. The iyevero 
is usually followed by a phrase or clause of time ; the event 
to be narrated is then expressed by teal with an Indicative, 
or by an Indicative without /on, or by an Infinitive. It 
thus results that the construction takes three forms : 



THE INFINITIVE. 



143 



358. (a) Kat iyevero, or eyeWo 8k, and the phrase of time are 
followed by /cat with an Indicative. 

Luke 5:1; eyeVero Se iv rw tov 6'^A.ov iirLKtio-OaL olvtw kcu olkovzlv 
tov Xoyov tov Ocov Kat avrbs r)V e err cos 7rapa Trjv Xl/jlv-hv Tevvno-a- 
pkr, now it came to pass, while the multitude pressed upon him and 
heard the word of God, that he was standing by the lake of Gennesaret. 

359. (b) Kat eyeVero, or eyeWo Si, and the phrase of time are 
followed by an Indicative without Kat. 

Mark 1:9; Kat iyevtro iv e/cetvats rats y/xepaus rjXOtv 'Ir/o-ov? airh 
Na£aper t^<; raXiAatas, and it came to pass in those days, that Jesus 
came from Nazareth of Galilee. 

360. (c) Kat eyeVero, or kykve.ro hk, and the phrase of time are 
followed by an Infinitive, the narrative being continued either 
by an Infinitive or an Indicative. 

Acts 9 : 32 ; eyevero Se IleVpov 8tep^o/xevov Sta iravruiv KareXOelv, and 

it came to pass, as Peter went throughout all parts, he came down. 
See also Mark 2 : 23 ; Luke 6 : 12. B. pp. 276-278. 

THE INFINITIVE. 

361. That the Infinitive in Greek had its origin as respects 
both form and function in a verbal noun, and chiefly at least in 
the dative case of such a noun, is now regarded as an assured 
result of comparative grammar. At the time of the earliest 
Greek literature, however, the other cases of this verbal noun 
had passed out of use, and the dative function of the form that 
remained had become so far obscured that, while it still re- 
tained the functions appropriate to the dative, it was also used 
as an accusative and as a nominative. Beginning with Pindar 
it appears with the article, at first as a subject-nominative. 
Later it developed also the other cases, accusative, genitive, 
and dative. By this process its distinctively dative force was 
obscured while the scope of its use was enlarged. In Post- 



144 



THE MOODS. 



Aristotelian Greek, notably in the Septuagint and the New 
Testament, another step was taken. The Infinitive with the 
article in the genitive began to assume some such prominence 
as at a much earlier time the dative had acquired, and as 
before, the sense of its case being in some degree lost, this 
genitive Infinitive came to be used as a nominative or accusa- 
tive. We mark therefore four stages of development. First, 
that for which we must go back of the historic period of the 
Greek language itself, when the Infinitive was distinctly a 
dative case. Second, that which is found in Homer : the Infin- 
itive begins to be used as subject or object, though the strictly 
dative functions still have a certain prominence, and the arti- 
cle is not yet used. Third, that of which the beginnings are 
seen in Pindar and which is more fully developed in classical 
authors of a later time : the Infinitive without the article, 
sometimes with dative functions, sometimes with the force of 
other cases, is used side by side with the articular Infinitive 
in the nominative, genitive, dative, and accusative singular. 
Fourth, that which appears in the Septuagint and the New 
Testament : all the usages found in the third stage still con- 
tinuing, the Infinitive with the article in the genitive begins 
to lose the sense of its genitive function and to be employed 
as a nominative or accusative. 

From the earliest historic period of the Greek language the 
Infinitive partakes of the characteristics both of the verb and 
the noun. As a verb it has a subject more or less definite, and 
expressed or implied, and takes the adverbial and objective 
limitations appropriate to a verb. As a noun it fills the office 
in the sentence appropriate to its case. Many of these case- 
functions are identical with those which belong to other sub- 
stantives ; some are peculiar to the Infinitive. 

Rem. Concerning the history of the Infinitive, see GMT. 742, 788 ; 
Gild, in T.A.P.A. 1878, and in A. J. P. III. pp. 193 ff. ; IV. pp. 241 ff., 



THE INFINITIVE. 



145 



pp. 418 ff. ; VIII. p. 329 ; Birklein, Entwickelungsgeschichte des sub- 
stantivierten Infinitivs, in Schanz, Beitr&ge zur historischen Syntax der 
griechischen Sprache, Heft 7. 

362. In the Greek of the classical and later periods, the functions of 
the Infinitive as an element of the sentence are very various. They may 
be classified logically as follows : 

I. As a Principal Verb (364, 365). 

II. As a Substantive Element. 

(1) As subject (384, 385, 390, 393, 404). 

(2) As object in indirect discourse (390). 

(3) As object after verbs of exhorting, striving, promising, 

hoping, etc. (387-389, 391, 394, 404). 

(4) As object after verbs that take a genitive (401-403). 

III. As an Adjective Element. 

(1) As appositive (386, 395). 

(2) Expressing other adnominal limitations (378, 379, 400). 

IV. As an Adverbial Element, denoting, 

(1) Purpose (366, 367, 370 (d), 371 (d), 372, 397). 

(2) Indirect object (368). 

(3) Result (369-371, 398). 

(4) Measure or degree (after adjectives and adverbs) (376, 399). 

(5) Manner, means, cause, or respect (375, 377, 396). 

(6) A modal modification of an assertion (383). 

The articular Infinitive governed by a preposition (406-417) expresses 
various adverbial relations, the precise nature of which is determined by 
the meaning of the preposition employed. Similarly irplv or irplv tj with 
the Infinitive (380-382) constitutes an adverbial phrase of time, the 
temporal idea lying in irpiv rather than in the Infinitive. 

363. To arrange the treatment of the Infinitive on the basis of such a 
logical classification as that given above (362) would, however, disregard 
the historical order of development and to some extent obscure the point 
of view from which the Greek language looked at the Infinitive. It seems 
better, therefore, to begin with those uses of the Infinitive which are most 
evidently connected with the original dative function, and proceed to 
those in which the dative force is vanishing or lost. This is the general 
plan pursued in the following sections, though it is by no means affirmed 
that in details the precise order of historical development has been 
followed. 



146 



THE MOODS. 



THE INFINITIVE WITHOUT THE ARTICLE. 

364. The Imperative Infinitive. The Infinitive with- 
out the article is occasionally used to express a command 
or exhortation. This is the only use of the Infinitive as a 
principal verb. It is of ancient origin, being especially 
frequent in Homer. HA. 957 ; 67. 1536. 

The New Testament furnishes but one certain instance 
of this usage. 

Phil. 3:16; irX-qv cts o icf)Odcrap.ev, to> clvtio crroL^etv, only whereunto 
we have attained, by the same rule walk. 

365. Rom. 12 : 15 affords another probable instance of the imperative 
use of the Infinitive. Buttmann supposes an ellipsis of \eyw, and Winer 
a change of construction by which the writer returns from the independ- 
ent Imperatives used in v. 14 to the construction of an Infinitive dependent 
on \4y<a employed in v. 3. This explanation of change of construction 
probably applies in Mark 6 : 9 (cf. the even more abrupt change in 
Mark 5 : 23) ; but in Rom. ch. 12 the remoteness of the verb \eyw (in v. 
3) from the Infinitive (in v. 15) makes the dependence of the latter upon 
the former improbable. B. pp. 271 f . ; WM. pp. 397 f. ; WT. 316. 

366. The Infinitive of Purpose. The Infinitive is used 
to express the purpose of the action or state denoted by 
the principal verb. HA. 951 ; G. 1532. 

Matt. 5:17; pt) vopto-nre on rjXBov KaraXvaaL rbv vofxov rj tovs irpo- 
cprjras • ovk rjXdov KaraXvaai aXXa TrXypwcrai, think not that I came 
to destroy the law or the prophets : I came not to destroy, but to fulfil. 

Luke 18 : 10 ; avOpwrroi Svo ave{3r]0~av els to tepov 7rpocrev£ao~daL. two 
men went up into the temple to pray. 

Acts 10 : 33 ; vvv ovv 7ravres 17 //.ei? iva)7riov rov Oeov irapecrpev aKovaai 
7ravra tol TrpocrreTay/xeVa croi vtto tov nvptov, now therefore ice are 
all here present in the sight of God, to hear all things that have been 
commanded thee of the Lord. 

367. The Infinitive expressing purpose is sometimes intro- 
duced by wore or a*. See 370 (d), 371 (d), 372. 



THE INFINITIVE WITHOUT THE ARTICLE. 147 



368. The Infinitive as an Indirect Object. Closely 
akin to the Infinitive of Purpose is the Infinitive of the indi- 
rect object. The former is a supplementary addition to a 
statement in itself complete, and expresses the purpose had in 
view in the doing of the action or the maintenance of the state. 
The Infinitive of the indirect object on the other hand is a 
complementary limitation of a verb, expressing the direct ten- 
dency of the action denoted by the principal verb, or other 
similar dative relation. Some of the instances of this usage 
are scarcely to be distinguished from the Infinitive of Purpose, 
while in others the distinction is clearly marked. 

Luke 10 : 40 ; Kvpie, ov p.iXu crot on rj a&eXcj>r} p.ov fxovrjv pe KareXenrev 
Sta/coveiv, Lord, dost thou not care that my sister has left me to serve alone f 

Acts 17 : 21 ; 'A #771/0.101 Se TraVres koI ot i7n$r)p.ovvTe<; £eVoi eis ovSkv 
erepov rjvKaipovv rj Aeyeiv tl rj olkovclv tl Kaworepov, now all the 
Athenians and the strangers sojourning there spent their time in nothing 
else than either to tell or to hear some new thing. See also Mark 4 : 23 ; 
6:31; 10:40; Luke 7: 40; 12:4; Acts 4: 14; 7:42; 23:17,18,19; 
25 : 26 ; Tit. 2 : 8. 

369. The Infinitive of Result. The Infinitive may be 
used to denote the result of the action expressed by the 
principal verb. When so used it is usually introduced by 
Sore. HA. 953 ; a. 1449. 

Mark 4 : 37 ; koI tcl Kvpxx.ro. kirkftoXSjev ei? to ttXolov, ware yBrj yept- 
£eaOai to 7tXolov, and the waves beat into the boat, insomuch that the 
boat was now filling. 

1 Thess. 1:8; iv 7ravrt toww 77 ttl<ttl<s vp.u>v 17 7rpos tov Ocov iicXrj- 
XvOev, wore p.7) xpuav ex €LV VP*** XaXeiv tl, in every place your 
faith to God-ward is gone forth, so that we need not to speak anything. 

370. Under the general head of expressions of result it is 
necessary to distinguish three different conceptions : 

(a) Actual result, conceived of and affirmed as actual; in this 
case classical Greek uses oWe with the Indicative. See 236. 



148 



THE MOODS. 



(&) Tendency or conceived result which it is implied is an 
actual result. In this case the result is thought of as that 
which the action of the principal verb is adapted or sufficient 
to produce, and it is the context or the nature of the case only 
which shows that this result is actually produced. In this 
case classical Greek uses dWe with the Infinitive. 

(c) Tendency or conceived result thought of and affirmed 
simply as such. In this case the result is one which the 
action of the principal verb is adapted or sufficient to 
produce, though the actual production is either left in doubt, 
or is indicated by the context not to have taken place. Clas- 
sical Greek employs wore with the Infinitive (in Homer the 
Infinitive without wo-re). 

To these three may be added as a closely related conception 
which the Greek also expressed by ware with the Infinitive : 

(c?) Purpose, i.e. intended result. 

The constructions by which these several shades of meaning 
are expressed are substantially the same in the New Testament 
as in classical Greek, except that the construction appropriate 
to the second meaning has apparently encroached upon the 
realm of the first meaning, and the line of distinction between 
them has become correspondingly indistinct, "Clare with the 
Indicative occurs very rarely except with the meaning there- 
fore, introducing a principal clause ; and this fact, together 
with the large number of instances in which wo-re with the 
Infinitive is used of a result evidently actual, makes it probable 
that the use of wo-re with the Infinitive is no longer restricted, 
as in classical Greek, to instances in which the result is thought 
of as theoretical, but is used also of result in fact and in 
thought actual. Cf. GMT. 582-584. There remain, however, 
instances entirely similar to those found in classical Greek, in 
which a result shown by the context to be actual is apparently 



THE INFINITIVE WITHOUT THE ARTICLE. 149 



presented simply as one which the event previously expressed 
tends to produce. Between these two classes it is evidently 
impossible to draw a sharp line of distinction. Cases of the 
third class are expressed in the New Testament by the Infini- 
tive with or without ware. Cf. also 218 and 398. 

371. The following examples illustrate New Testament 
usage : 

(a) Actual result conceived and affirmed as such. 

Indicative after ware. 

John 3 : 16 ; outws yap rjya.TT-no'cv 6 Oebs tov Kocrfxov wcrre tov vibv 
t6v fxovoyevrj loWei/, for God so loved the world that he gave his only 
begotten Son. 

Infinitive after ware. 

Mark 9 : 26 ; eyeVero oxret veKpo? wore rovs 7roAAous Aeyciv on airi- 
Oavev, he became as one dead; insomuch that the more part said that 
he was dead. 

(b) Tendency, by implication realized in actual result. In- 
finitive, usually after wo-re. 

Luke 12 : 1 ; iv ot? lirLo-vva-^Oao-Civ twv /xvpiaoW tov o^Aou, ware 
Kara7raTetv dAA^Aou?, in the meantime, when the many thousands of the 
multitude were gathered together, so as to tread one upon another. 

Rev. 5:5; iSov ivUrjaev 6 AeW 6 Ik t^s cf>v\r)<; 'IovSa, 17 pi'£a AauetS, 
avol^ai to fii(3\iov, behold the lion that is of the tribe of Judah, the 
Root of David, hath overcome, to open the book. See also Acts 1 : 25 ; 
2 Cor. 1 : 8 ; 2 Thess. 2:4. 

(c) Tendency or conceived result thought of as such. In- 
finitive, usually after too-re. 

1 Cor. 13 : 2 ; Kav c^co Traaav tyjv -kio-tiv ware oprj fxeOcaTaveLv, and if 

I have all faith, so as to remove mountains. 
Matt. 10 : 1 ; cScokcv avTols e^oucriav 7rvcvfxdTO)v aKaOdpTOiv wcrre i<- 

/?aAAetv aura, he gave them authority over unclean spirits to cast them 

out. Here probably belongs also Rom. 1 : 10. See also 2 Cor. 2:7-: 

Rev. 16 : 9. 



150 



THE MOODS. 



Rem. The Infinitive in Heb. 6 : 10, ov yap olSlkos 6 debs iiriXade'crdai, 
must also be accounted an Infinitive of conceived result. The origin of 
this idiom may be an impersonal construction (cf. 6r.MT. 762), but it 
has departed in meaning as well as in form from its original. The mean- 
ing of this sentence is not, It would not be unjust for God to forget, but, 
God is not unjust so as to forget. 

(d) Purpose, i.e. intended result. 

Luke 4 : 29 ; koli rjyayov avrov ecu? dcppvos tov opovs wore Kara- 
Kprjixvio-aL avrov, arid they led him unto the brow of the hill that 
they might throw him down headlong. See also Luke 20 : 20. 

Rem. In Matt. 27 : 1, w<rre with the Infinitive stands in definitive appo- 
sition with avupovXiov, defining the content of the plan, rather than ex- 
pressing the purpose of making it. 

372. The Infinitive is used with cJs in Luke 9 : 52 according to the 
reading adopted by WH. (most editors read wcrre) and in Acts 20 : 24 
according to the generally adopted reading ( WH read a Subjunctive) . 
In both cases the phrase denotes purpose. No instance of cJs with the 
Infinitive denoting result occurs in the New Testament. See Th. ws, III., 
and references cited there, and cf. G. 1456. In 2 Cor. 10 : 9 cJs av is used 
with the Infinitive. This usage also occurs rarely in classical and later 
Greek. See Alf. ad loc. and Gr. p. 230. The phrase is elliptical, the In- 
finitive most probably expressing purpose and cJs &v modifying it in the 
sense of quasi. WM. p. 390 ; WT. p. 310. 

373. In the New Testament the Infinitive is not used either with were 
or e0' or e0' yre in the sense on condition that. HA. 953, b ; G. 
1453, 1460. 

374. The classical usage of an Infinitive (of conceived result) with ^, 
or 77 wore, or 77 cJs, after a comparative, does not occur in the New Testa- 
ment. The Infinitive after 77 in the New Testament is used as the correla- 
tive of some preceding word or phrase, and usually as a nominative. See 
Luke 18 : 25 ; Acts 20 : 35. On Acts 17 : 21 cf. 368. 

375. Somewhat akin in force to the Infinitive of (conceived) 
result, but probably of Hebraistic origin, is the Infinitive used 
to define more closely the content of the action denoted by a 
previous verb or noun. Cf. Hr. 29, 3, e. 



THE INFINITIVE WITHOUT THE ARTICLE. 



151 



Acts 15:10; vvv ovv tl 7reipa£eTe rov Oeov, ImOeivai £vybv ou rov 
Tpdxqkov roiv paOwruv, now therefore why tempt ye God, that ye 
should put (i.e. by putting, or in that ye put) a yoke upon the neck 
of the disciples f Cf. Ps. 78 : 18 (Hebrew). 

Heb. 5:5; ovtojs kol 6 xpicrros ov^ iavrbv iSo^acrev yevnOrjvcu dp^tepea, 
so Christ also glorified not himself to be made a high priest. See also 
Luke 1 : 54, 72 ; cf. 1 Sam. 12 : 23, dneVcu; 22 : 13 ; Ps. Sol. 2 : 28, 
39, 40. See Ryle and James, Ps. Sol. p. lxxxiii. 

376. The Infinitive limiting- Adjectives and Adverbs. 

The Infinitive is used with adjectives and adverbs of abil- 
ity, fitness, readiness, etc., to denote that which one is or is 
not able, fit, or ready to do. HA. 952 ; 6r. 1526. 

Mark 1:7; ov ovk dpi iKavbs Kvif/as XvaaL rov Ipdvra tuiv inroSnpaTOiv 
avrov, the latchet of whose shoes I am not worthy to stoop down and 
unloose. 

2 Tim. 2:2; oltivcs ikglvol ecrovrai kol erepovs SiSa£cu, who shall be able 

to teach others also. 
Rev. 4:11; a£ios el, 6 Kvpios kol 6 debs rjpiov, \a/3e?v ttjv So£av kol 

tt]v Tipvrjv kcu rrjv Svvapav, worthy art thou, our Lord and our God, to 

receive the glory and the honor and the power. See also Luke 14 : 31 ; 

2 Cor. 12 : 14. 

377. The Infinitive may be used after any adjective to limit 
its application to a particular action. HA. 952 ; G. 1528. 

Heb. 5:11; 7repi ov 7ro\vs rjpiv 6 Aoyos koI SvcrepprjvevTos \eyeiv, 

of ivhom toe have many things to say, and hard of interpretation — a 
felicitous free translation. More literally it would read, concerning 
whom our discourse is much, and hard of interpretation to state, i.e. 
hard to state intelligibly. 

378. The Infinitive limiting 1 Nouns. The Infinitive is 

used with abstract nouns of ability, authority, need, hope, 
etc., to denote that which one has, or has not, ability, 
authority, need, etc., to do. Here may also be included 



152 



THE MOODS. 



the Infinitive after wpa, which implies a necessity. HA. 
952; a. 1521. 

Matt. 3:14; eyw ^petav vno aov f3a7TTLcr6rjvaL, I have need to be 
baptized of thee. 

John 1:12; cScokci/ olvtol<; l^ovaiav reKva 6eov yeveaOai, to them gave 
he the right to become children of God. 

Rom. 13 : 11 ; koli tovto eiSore? rbv Kaipov, on wpa rjSrj {yxas i£ vttvov 
iyepOrjvaL, and this, knowing the season, that now it is high time for you 
to awake out of sleep. See also 2 Cor. 10 : 15 ; Rev. 9 : 10. 

379. The Infinitive is also occasionally used after con- 
crete nouns cognate with verbs which take an object In- 
finitive. 

Gal. 5:3; o^eiAeVr;? eo-riv oA.ov tov vo/xov TroLrjvai, he is a debtor to 
do the whole law. 

380. The Infinitive is used after irplv or irplv rj. HA. 
955 ; a. 1469-1474. 

Mark 14 : 30 ; irplv rj St? dkeKTopa cfiwvrja-aL rpts /xe a-rrapv^crr], before 

the cock crow twice, thou shalt deny me thrice. 
John 4:49; Kvpie, KaTa(3r]0i irplv airoOavtiv to 7rcuSiW fxov, Sir, come 

down ere my child die. 

381. The use of 7? after irplv, which occurs twice in the Iliad, fre- 
quently in Herodotus, and rarely in Attic writers, is well attested in three 
of the thirteen instances in the New Testament in which irplv is used 
with the Infinitive, and occurs as a variant in other passages. G. 1474. 

382. As respects the mood which follows irplv or irplv New Testa- 
ment usage is the same as that of Post- Homeric Greek in general, in that 
the Infinitive is generally (in the New Testament invariably) used when 
the leading clause is affirmative ; the Subjunctive and Optative occur only 
after a negative leading clause. The Indicative after irplv which some- 
times occurs in classical Greek, chiefly after a negative leading clause, is 
not found in the New Testament. HA. 924, a ; G. 1470. 



THE INFINITIVE WITHOUT THE ARTICLE. 153 

383. The Infinitive used absolutely in a parenthetic clause 
occurs but once in the New Testament. HA. 956 ; G. 1534. 
Heb. 7:9; ojs tiros ei7retv, so to speak. 

384. The Infinitive as Subject. The Infinitive may 
be used as the subject of a finite verb. HA. 949, 959 ; 

a. 1517. 

Matt. 3 : 15 ; ovtoi yap irpiirov iarlv fj/juv TrX-qpwcrai iva<Jav SiKaioo-vvrjv, 

for thus it becometh us to fulfil all righteousness. 
Luke 18 : 25 ; evK07ru)T€pov yap eortv KapLrjXov Sia Tprjp,aTO<; j3eXovrj<; 

daeXOeiv, for it is easier for a camel to enter in through a needle's eye. 

See also Mark 3:4; Luke 16:17; 20 : 22 ; Gal. 4 : 18. 

385. The Infinitive with subject accusative sometimes 
stands as the subject of an impersonal verb (Sokci, etc.). Fre- 
quently, however, the personal construction is employed, that 
which is properly the subject of the Infinitive being put in the 
nominative as the subject of the principal verb. But the logi- 
cal relation is the same in either case. HA. 944. 

In the New Testament the personal construction is regularly 
employed with So*e?. 

Acts 17 : 18 ; £evaiv 8gu/aoviW Sokc? KarayyeXevs elvai, he seemeth to be 
a setter forth of strange gods. See also Gal. 2:9; Jas. 1 : 26, etc. 

Rem. Concerning the Infinitive as subject of {ytvero, see 357, 360. 

386. The Infinitive as Appositive. The Infinitive may 
stand in apposition with a noun or pronoun. HA. 950 : 

a. 1517. 

Jas. 1 : 27 ; Bp-qcrKua KaOapa Kal d/xtavro? . . . avrrj eortv, lin- 
aK€7TTea0aL 6p<f>avov<; Kal XVP a<: * v r V QXCxf/ei avrwv, pure religion 
and undefiled . . . is this, to visit orphans and widows in their afflic- 
tion. See also Acts 15 : 28 ; 1 Thess. 4 : 3. 

387. The Infinitive as Object. The Infinitive may be 
used as the object of a verb. The verbs which are thus 



154 



THE MOODS. 



limited by an Infinitive are in part such as take a noun or 
pronoun in the accusative as object, in part such as take a 
noun or pronoun in the genitive as object, in part verbs 
which cannot take a noun or pronoun as object but require 
an Infinitive to complete their meaning. HA. 948; 
1518, 1519. 

Matt. 19:14; a^ere ra 7ratS/a /cat fxy] KtuAvere avra iXOeiv 7rpo's ^te, 

suffer the little children, and forbid them not, to come unto me. 
Mark 12 : 12 ; koI l^rjrovv clvtov Kparrjaai, and they sought to lay hold 
on him. 

Luke 16:3; (TKaTTTtiv ovk tcr^'co, eVatTetv atcr^tVo/xat, / have not strength 

to dig ; to beg 1 am ashamed. 
Heb. 7 : 25 ; 66ev kcu aw£eiv eis to 7ravTeA.es SvvaraL, wherefore also he 

is able to save to the uttermost. See also Matt. 1:19; John 5:18; 

Rom. 14:2; Gal. 3 : 2, et freq. 

388. The Infinitive x a ^P uv m salutations is to be regarded 
as the object of an unexpressed verb of bidding. 

Acts 23 : 26 ; KAavStos Avtrtas rw KpaTtcrra> rjyefjiovi <&r}ki.Ki \a[puv r 
Claudius Lysias unto the most excellent governor Felix, greeting. 

Jas. 1:1; 'Ia/«D/3os • . . Tats SwSeKa <£vAats Tats ey rr} Siaa-n-opa 
Xatpetv, James . . . to the twelve tribes which are of the Dispersion y 
greeting. 

389. The verbal idea governing the Infinitive is sometimes implied 
rather than expressed. The Infinitive Te/ceZV in Rev. 12 : 2 is doubtless an 
object Infinitive governed by the idea of desire implied in the preceding 
participles. The Infinitive ^evaaadai in Acts 5 : 3 may be regarded as an 
object Infinitive governed by the idea of persuading implied in ewXripua-ev 
tt)p KapbLav, or as an Infinitive of conceived result. Cf. 370 (c). 

390. The Infinitive in Indirect Discourse. The Infini- 
tive is frequently used in the indirect quotation of asser- 
tions. It is usually the object of a verb of saying or of 
thinking, or the subject of such a verb in the passive 
voice. HA. 946; a. 1522. 



THE INFINITIVE WITH THE ARTICLE. 



155 



Mark 12 : 18 ; oiTives Xiyovviv avda-raatv /jly) elvai, which say that there is 
no resurrection. 

John 21 : 25 ; ovK avrov olpun tov koct/xov yuiprjcreiv to. ypacf^o/xeva 
/3i/3A.ia, 1 suppose that even the world itself will not contain the books 
that will be written. 

Heb. 11:5; rrpo yap rrjs fxeraOeaeo)^ pLe/xaprvpnTaL ewxpecrr^KeVai rcS 
Oe(j), for before his translation he had witness borne to him that he 
had been well-pleasing unto God. See also Luke 2 : 26 ; 22 : 34 ; 
24 : 46 (?) ; John 12 : 29 ; Acts 16 : 27 ; Rom. 15 : 8 ; 2 Tim. 2:18; 
1 John 2:9. 

Rem. 1. Respecting the force of the tenses of the Infinitive in indirect 
discourse, see 110-114. 

Rem. 2. Respecting the use of negatives with the Infinitive in indirect 
discourse, see 480-482. 

391. The Infinitive occurs frequently as object after verbs 
of hoping, promising, swearing, and commanding, with a force 
closely akin to that of the Infinitive in indirect discourse. 
Such instances are not, however, usually included under that 
head. Cf. 337, and GMT. 684. 

THE INFINITIVE WITH THE ARTICLE. 

392. The prefixing of the article to the Infinitive tends to 
the obscuring of its original dative force, while it emphasizes 
its new substantive character as a noun which can be used in 
any case. Some of the uses of the Infinitive with the article 
differ from those without the article only by the greater em- 
phasis on the substantive character of the form. This is the 
case with its use as subject and object. Others express nearly 
the same relations which were expressed by the Infinitive 
without the article, but with a different thought of the case- 
relation involved. Thus the use of the Infinitive without the 
article after adjectives of fitness, worthiness, etc., doubtless 



156 



THE MOODS. 



sprang originally from the thought of the Infinitive as a dative. 
The Infinitive with the article after such adjectives is thought 
of as a genitive, as is evident from the use of the article rov. 
The difference in meaning is, however, very slight. Compare 
the English worthy to receive and worthy of receiving. Still 
other uses of the Infinitive with the article are wholly new, 
being developed only after the Infinitive had begun to be used 
with the article. To this class belongs the use of the Infini- 
tive after prepositions. 

Rem. The Infinitive with the article being by means of that article 
practically a declinable noun, the various uses are grouped in the follow- 
ing sections according to cases. 

393. The Infinitive with to as Subject. The Infinitive 
with the article to is used as the subject of a finite verb. 
HA. 959 ; a. 1542. 

Matt. 15:20; to Se olvItttols ^epcrtv (frayeiv ov kolvol tov avOpwirov, 

but to eat with unioashen hands defleth not the man. See also Matt. 
20 : 23 ; Mark 9 : 10 ; 12 : 33 ; Rom. II : 21. 

394. The Infinitive with to as Object. The Infinitive 
with the article to is used as the object of a transitive 
verb. This usage is far less common than the object 
Infinitive without the article. HA. 959; G. 1543. 

Acts 25 : 11 ; ov -rrapaLTovpuai to ajroOivdv, I refuse not to die. See 
also 2 Cor. 8 : 11; Phil. 2:6. 

395. The Infinitive with the Article, in Apposition. 

The Infinitive with the article may stand in apposition with 
a preceding noun or pronoun. 

Rom. 1: 13; ov yap Sia vojxov rj kirayyekta ra> 'A/3paapL rj rw cnrep- 
puiTL avrov, to K\rjpovop.ov avTov elvai Koap.ov, for not through the 
law was the promise to Abraham or to his seed, that he should be heir 
of the world. 



THE INFINITIVE WITH THE ARTICLE. 157 



2 Cor. 2:1; eKptva yap kp.avT<s> tovto, to fxrj iraXiv iv Xvwrj rrpos v/xas 
ikOelv, for I determined this for myself that I would not come again to 
you with sorrow. See also Rom. 14 : 13. 

396. The Infinitive with rco. The Infinitive with the 
article tw is used in classical Greek to express cause, man- 
ner, means. In the New Testament it is used to express 
cause. Its only other use is after the preposition eV. HA. 
959 ; G. 1547. 

2 Cor. 2 : 13 ; tu fxrj evpeiv /ue Tltov tov dBe\cf)6v fxov, because I found 
not Titus my brother. 

397. The Infinitive of Purpose with tov. The Infini- 
tive with the article tov is used to express the purpose of 
the action or state denoted by the principal verb. HA. 
960 ; a. 1548. 

Matt. 2 : 13 ; /xe'AAei yap 'Hpw'S^? £77x611/ to 7raiSiov tov ajroXiaai avro, 

for Herod will seek the young child to destroy him. See also Matt. 
24 : 45 ; Luke 2 : 24, 27 ; Acts 26 : 18 ; Phil. 3 : 10. 

Rem. That the Infinitive with rod expresses purpose with substan- 
tially the same force as the simple Infinitive appears from the joining of 
the two together by /cat. 

Luke 2 : 22, 24 ; dvrjyayov olvtov eis 'Iepoo-oAv/xa 7rapaoTT/<7ai ra> Kvpiip, 
. . . Kal tov Sovvai Ovaiav, they brought him up to Jerusalem, to pre- 
sent him to the Lord, and to offer a sacrifice. Cf. also Luke 1 : 76, 
77; 1:79. 

398. The Infinitive of Result with tov. The Infinitive 
with the article tov is occasionally used in the New Tes- 
tament to express conceived result. Cf. 218 and 369-371. 

Matt. 21 : 32 ; t^ets Se iSdvres ou'Se fxercp:cX^Or)TC varepov tov ino-Ttv- 
aai avTO), and ye, when ye saw it, did not even repent afterward, 
so as to believe him. See also Acts 7 : 19 ; Rom. 7:3; probably also 
Acts 18:10; cf. Gen. 3:22; 19:21; 34:17, 22; Isa. 5:14. 



158 



THE MOODS. 



Rem. Meyer takes the Infinitive phrase tov m el vat in Rom. 7 : 3 as 
expressing a divine purpose, and adds that tov with the Infinitive never 
expresses result, not even in Acts 7 : 19. But this is grammatical purism 
not justified by the evidence. The uniformly telic force of tov with the 
Infinitive can he maintained only by evasive definition or forced inter- 
pretation. 

399. The Infinitive with rod after Adjectives. The 

Infinitive with the article rov is used with such adjectives 
as may be limited by a simple Infinitive. HA. 959 ; 6r. 
1547. Cf. 376. 

Acts 23 : 15 ; eroi/W eoyxev tov dvcXelv o.vtov, we are ready to slay him. 
See also Luke 24 : 25. 

400. The Infinitive with rov after Nouns. The Infini- 
tive with the article rov is used to limit nouns. The rela- 
tions thus expressed are very various and are not always 
easy to define exactly. Instances occur not only, as in 
classical Greek, of the objective genitive, but also of the 
genitive of characteristic, the genitive of connection, and 
the appositional genitive. HA. 959 ; 6r. 1547. 

Heb. 5 : 12; irakiv ypuav £X €T€ T0 ^ & L $do-KO.v {yxas, ye have need again 

that some one teach you. 
Luke 2 : 21 ; kol ore lirXiqa-O-qcrav ^fxepaL Sktio tov irepiTefxtiv avTov, 

and when eight days were fulfilled for circumcising him. 
Rom. 11 : 8; cSwkcv carrots 6 Oeds rrvev/jui KaTavv£ea)<;, 6(£#aA/xovs tov 

(xr) /3\eTreiv Kal cSra tov /xrj aKovetv, God gave them a spirit of stupor, 

eyes that see not, and ears that hear not. See also Luke 1 : 57, 74; 

2:6; 10 : 19 ; 21 : 22 ; 22 : 6 ; Acts 14 : 9 ; 20 : 3 ; Rom. 1 : 24 ; 

1 Cor. 9 : 10 ; 2 Cor. 8 : 11 ; 1 Pet. 4 : 17 ; cf. Gen. 16 : 3 ; 1 Sam. 2 : 24. 

401. The Infinitive with rov after Verbs that take the 
Genitive. The Infinitive with rov is used as the object of 
verbs which take a noun in the genitive as object, especially 
of verbs of hindering, etc. HA. 959, 963 ; G. 1547, 1549. 



THE INFINITIVE WITH THE ARTICLE. 



159 



Luke 1:9; lAa^e tov Ov/Jiiacrai, it teas his lot (prop, he obtained by lot) 
to burn incense. 

2 Cor. 1:8; wcrre i$a.7ropr)9r)va.L r//xa? koll tov £r}v, insomuch that we de- 
spaired even of life. 

Rom. 15 : 22 ; Sio koX iveKOTTTOfxqv to. ttoXXol tov iXOelv 7rpos v/xas, 
wherefore also I was hindered these many times from coming to you. 
Cf. Gen. 34 : 19 ; Ps. Sol. 2 : 28, 29. 

402. In classical Greek, verbs of hindering are followed by 
three constructions, (a) Infinitive without the article, (b) In- 
finitive with tov, (c) Infinitive with to. may be used or 
omitted with the Infinitive without difference of meaning. 
HA. 963; G. 1549, 1551; GMT. 791 (exx.). In the New 
Testament, all these constructions occur except that with to fxrj. 
See Matt. 19 : 14 ; Kom. 15 : 22 ; 1 Cor. 14 : 39 ; Gal. 5:7; 
Acts 10 : 47. 

403. The Infinitive with roO /jltj after verbs of hindering is closely akin 
to the Infinitive of Result. Cf . Luke 24 : 16 ; Acts 14 : 18. 

Rem. Meyer's interpretation of tov /xtj eirLyvCbvai avrov in Luke 24 : 16 
as expressing a divine purpose (the English translation does not correctly 
represent the meaning of the German original), is not required by New 
Testament usage. The Greek most naturally means, Their eyes were 
held from knowing him. Cf. 398, Rem. 

404. The Infinitive with rov as Subject or Object. 

The Infinitive with rod is used even as the subject of a 
finite verb or as the object of transitive verbs which regu- 
larly take a direct object. This is a wide departure from 
classical usage, and indicates that the sense of the genitive 
character of the article rov before the Infinitive was partly 
lost in later Greek. J5.p.270; pp. 411f. ; 1721 pp. 327 f. 

Acts 27 : 1 ; (.KptOin tov a.7T07rX€LV rjfias eis Tinv IraXiav, it was determined 
that we should sail for Italy. See also Luke 4 : 10 ; 5:7; Acts 3 : 12 ; 
10:25; 15:20; 21:12; 23:20; 1 Sam. 12:23; Eccl. 4 : 13, 17 ; 
1 Mace. 3 : 15. 



160 



THE MOODS. 



405. The origin of this use of the Infinitive with rod is perhaps in such 
usages as appear in Luke 17:1; 1 Cor. 16 : 4 ; and still more in such as 
that in Luke 4 : 10. In Luke 17 : 1 the genitive is apparently suggested 
by the idea of hindering or avoiding in the adjective avevdexTov ; in 
1 Cor. 16 : 4 it is the adjective d£iof which gives occasion to the genitive ; 
but in both cases the Infinitive seems to be logically the subject of the 
copulative verb, the adjective being the predicate. Whether this con- 
struction represents the thought in the mind of the writer, or whether 
the expression is rather to he regarded as an impersonal one, the Infini- 
tive being dependent on the predicate adjective, cannot with confidence 
be decided. Such usages as Luke 4 : 10 and 5 : 7 doubtless owe their 
origin to the same mental process by which a clause introduced by tva. 
came to stand as the object of a verb of exhorting. Ps. Sol. 2 : 28 com- 
pared with Luke 12 : 45 is also suggestive. It is doubtless the idea of 
hindering in xP 0V ' l & tnat gives rise to the genitive in the former passage ; 
in the latter the Infinitive is a direct object. 

406. The Infinitive with the Article governed by 
Prepositions. The Infinitive with the article to, toO, tu> 
is governed by prepositions. HA. 959 ; 6r. 1546. 

The prepositions so used in the New Testament are : 
with the accusative, 8ta, et?, /merd, 7rpo? ; with the genitive, 
avr(, Sid, e/c, eVe/eez/, ea)?, irpo ; Avith the dative, iv. 

Mark 4:6; kol Sia to /at) t\uv pi'£av iirjpdvOrj, and because it had no 

root, it withered away. 
1 Thess. 3:5; e-rre/juj/a ets to yvwvat tyjv ttlo~tiv vfxuiv, I sent that I might 

know your faith. 

Mark 14 : 28 ; dXAa /acto. to iyepOrjvat tie 7rpoa£<D vfxas et? tt)v Ta\i- 

Xatav, howbeit, after I am raised up, 1 will go before you into Galilee. 
Matt. 6:1; 7rpoo-e^eTe [8e] ttjv hiKaiocrvvnv vfxoiv jxq ttolclv e/jarpoo-Oev 

Tiov avQpomwv 7rp6s to OeaOrjvai avrols, take heed that ye do not your 

righteousness before men, to be seen of them. 
Gal. 3 : 23 ; irpd rov 8e iXOelv rrjv ttlcttlv vtto vo/xov icf>povpov/j.eOa, but 

before faith came, we were kept in ward under the law. 
Luke 24 : 51 ; koX lyive.ro iv r<2 evXoyelv avrdv avrovs Buarr) air 

avrC)v, and it came to pass, while he blessed them, he parted from them. 

407. These prepositions vary greatly in frequency in the 
New Testament. Ei? occurs with the Infinitive 63 times 



THE INFINITIVE WITH THE ARTICLE. 



161 



(Infinitives 72); iv 52 times (Infinitives 56); Sid with the 
Accusative 27 times (Infinitives 31); /xera 15 times; irpos 12 
times; irpo 9 times; each of the others once (WH. text). See 
Votaw, Infinitive in Biblical Greek, p. 20 ; cf. GMT. 800-802. 

408. Aid governing the Infinitive with to denotes cause, and is nearly- 
equivalent to on or 5ion with the Indicative, differing in that the Infini- 
tive gives in itself no indication of the time of the action. 

Jas. 4:2, 3; ovk €^£Te 8ia to prj alTeicrOai vpas' curetTe koll ov Xap,- 
(3dv£Te, Slotl KaKco? alreicrOe, ye have not, because ye ask not. Ye 

ask, and receive not, because ye ask amiss. 

In Mark 5 : 4 8id with the Infinitive expresses the evidence rather than 
the cause strictly so called. 

409. Ei's governing the Infinitive with to most commonly expresses 
purpose. It is employed with special frequency by Paul, but occurs also 
in Heb., 1 Pet., and Jas. 

Horn. 8 : 29 ; on ovs 7rpoiyvo), kcll Trpooipio~ev crvfXfx6p<f>ovs Trjs eikovos 
tov vlov avrov, ets to etvai avTov irpwroTOKov iv 7toX\ol<s dSeA.<£oi?, 

for ivliom he foreknew, he also foreordained to be conformed to the 
image of his Son, that he might be the first-born among many brethren. 
See also Rom. 1:11; 3 : 26 ; 7:4; Eph. 1 : 12 ; Phil. 1 : 10 ; Heb. 
2 : 17 ; Jas. 1 : 18 ; 1 Pet. 3 : 7. 

410. Eis with the Infinitive is also used, like the simple Infinitive, to 
represent an indirect object. Cf. 368. 

1 Cor. 11 : 22 ; prj yap oi/aas ovk e^eTe eis to icrOUtv kcu ttlvuv, what? 
have ye not houses to eat and to drink in ? See also Matt. 20 : 19 ; 
26:2. 

411. Ei's with the Infinitive also expresses tendency, measure of effect, 
or result, conceived or actual. 

Heb. 11:3; 7rioTei voovpev Kar-npTiaOaL rovs atcova? prjpaTi Oeov, ei? 
to pr] €k <j>aivopev<DV to fiXciropevov yeyovevoa, by faith we under- 
stand that the worlds have been framed by the word of God, so that 
what is seen hath not been made out of things which do appear. See 
also Rom. 12 : 3 ; 2 Cor. 8:6; Gal. 8 : 17 ; 1 Thess. 2 : 16. 



162 



THE MOODS. 



Et's to iadletv in 1 Cor. 8 : 10 either expresses measure of effect or is the 
indirect object of olKodofXTjdrjcreTai. Et's to eivai avroiis dvairo\oyr]Tovs in 
Horn. 1 : 20 might appropriately be interpreted as expressing purpose but 
for the causal clause which follows. This clause could be joined to an 
expression of purpose only by supposing an ellipsis of some such expres- 
sion as /ecu outws eiaiv, and seems therefore to require that et's to eimi be 
interpreted as expressing result. 

Rem. Meyer's dictum (see on Rom. 1 : 20) that et's with the articular 
Infinitive is always telic, is, like his similar dictum respecting toG with 
the Infinitive, a case of grammatical purism, not justified by the evidence. 

412. Et's with the Infinitive is also used, like iva with the Subjunctive, 
or the simple Infinitive, as the direct object of verbs of exhorting, etc. 
1 Thess. 2 : 12 ; 3 : 10 ; 2 Thess. 2 : 2. 

413. Et's with the Infinitive is still further used, like the simple Infini- 
tive, to limit an adjective, as in Jas. 1 : 19, or a noun, as in Phil. 1 : 23. 

414. Up6s governing the Infinitive with to usually expresses purpose ; 
it is occasionally used with the sense, with reference to. 

Matt. 6:1; 7rpoo-i\eTC [Se] rrjv SLKaioavvrjv vp.Q)v prj ttoiuv Zp.Tr pocrOcv 
TOiv av0p(x)7ro)v 7rpos to OeaOrjvai olvtols, but take heed that ye do not 
your righteousness before men, to be seen of them. 

Matt. 26 : 12 ; fiakovcra yap avr-q to p,vpov tovto €7ri rov awparos p.ov 
7rp6<s to £vT<x<pLdo-ai p.c iTrotrjo-ev, for in that she poured this ointment 
upon my body, she did it to prepare me for burial. See also Matt. 
5 : 28 ; 13 : 30 ; 2 Cor. 3 : 13 ; Eph. 6 : 11, etc. (purpose) ; Luke 18 : 1 
(reference). 

415. 'Ev governing the Infinitive with tc/J is most commonly temporal, 
but occasionally expresses other relations, such as manner, means, or 
content. This construction is especially frequent in Luke and Acts. 

Luke 8:5; kol iv T<a o"7reipeiv avTov o pkv €7reaev irapa. Trjv 6Sov, and 

as he sowed, some fell by the way side. 
Acts 3 : 26 ; vpXv tt pwTOv avaaTrjaas 6 Otbs tov 7ratS<x avTov ajri&TCikev 

avTov cvXoyovvTa vp.as iv t<o ajroo-rpifyuv tKacrTOv airb tojv Trovrj- 

piuiv [yp.u>v], unto you first God, having raised up his Servant, sent him 

to bless you, in turning away every one of you from your iniquities. 

See also Luke 1:8; Acts 9:3; 11 : 15; Ps. Sol. 1 : 1 (temporal); 

Luke 12 : 15 ; Acts 4 : 30 ; Heb. 2:8; 3 : 12, 15 ; Ps. Sol. 1:3; Gen. 

19:16; 34:15. 



THE PARTICIPLE. 



163 



416. The force of the other prepositions used with the Infinitive 
scarcely needs special definition, the meaning of each being in general 
the same as that of the same preposition governing nouns. Respecting 
the force of the tenses after prepositions, see 104-109. 

417. Concerning the Infinitive without the article governed by prepo- 
sitions, see #.MT. 803, and cf. Gen. 10:19. The Infinitive ylpeadai in 
Acts 4 : 30, which is by R.V. taken as the object of 86s is more probably 
governed by the preposition kv. It is however not strictly without the 
article, the t<£ which precedes iKrelveiv belonging in effect also to ylveadai. 



THE PARTICIPLE. 

418. The Participle is a verbal adjective, sharing in part 
the characteristics of both the verb and the adjective. As a 
verb it has both tense functions and functions which may be 
designated as modal functions, being analogous to those which 
in the case of verbs in the Indicative, Subjunctive, or Optative 
belong to the mood. Eor the proper understanding of a par- 
ticiple, therefore, it is necessary to consider (a) The grammat- 
ical agreement, (b) The use of the tense, and (c) The logical 
force or modal function. The first and second of these have 
already been treated, grammatical agreement in 116, the uses 
of the tenses in 118-156. It remains to consider the logical 
force or modal function of the participle. From the point of 
view of the interpreter this is usually the matter of most 
importance. 

419. In respect to logical force, participles may be classified 
as Adjective, Adverbial, and Substantive. 

Rem. 1. The terminology here employed for the classification of parti- 
ciples differs somewhat from that commonly employed. It is adopted 
substantially from the article of Professor Wm. Arnold Stevens, "On 
the Substantive Use of the Greek Participle" in T.A.P.A. 1872. The 
Adjective Participle corresponds nearly to the Attributive Participle 



164 



THE MOODS. 



as treated in G. and HA., the Adverbial Participle to the Circum- 
stantial Participle, and the Substantive Participle to the Supplementary 
Participle. 

Rem. 2. Respecting the use of the negatives \xr\ and ov with partici- 
ples, see 485. 

THE ADJECTIVE PARTICIPLE. 

420. The Adjective Participle limits its subject directly 
and exclusively. It attributes the action which it denotes 
to the subject as a quality or characteristic, or assigns the 
subject to the class marked by that action. HA. 965 ; 6r. 
1559. 

Acts 10 : 1, 2 ; avrjp Se ns iv Kaio-apia SvofiaTL Kopj/^Aios, kKarovrdp- 
Xrjs ck C7retpr/s T^s Ka\ov[i£vr)S 'ItoAik^ 1 ?, evcrefSrjs kcll <j>ol3ovfX€vo<* 
tov Otov crvv 7ravrt raJ olklo ovtov, itollov iXeryiotr was 7roAA.as rep 
Xato kcll Seo/xevos tov 6 tov Sia 7rayrds, now there was a certain man- 
in Cossarea, Cornelius by name, a centurion of a band called the 
Italian band, a devout man and one that feared God with all his house, 
who gave much alms to the people and prayed to God alway. The 
four participles in this sentence are all Adjective Participles, de- 
scribing their subject. This is especially clear in the case of <f>o/3ov- 
[xevos, which is joined by /eat to the adjective evo-e{3r}<;. For other 
similar examples see Col. 1 : 21 ; Jas. 2:15; see also examples 
under the following sections. 

421. The Adjective Participle may be used attributively or 
predicatively. When used attributively it may be either re- 
strictive or explanatory. 

422. The Restrictive Attributive Participle. An at- 
tributive Adjective Participle may be used to define or 
identify its subject, pointing out what person or thing is 
meant. It is then equivalent to a restrictive relative clause. 
Cf. 295. 



THE ADJECTIVE PARTICIPLE. 



165 



John 6 : 50 ; ovtos €o~tlv 6 apros 6 Ik tov ovpavov KarafSaivoiv, this is 
the bread which cometh down out of heaven. 

Jude 17 ; p.vrjo-BrjTe. tu)v prjjxaTOiv tcov Trpoaprj/xivcov v-rrb rcov airo- 
crroXiov tov Kvptov Tjfxtov ^I-naov X.pLcrTov, remember the words which 
have been spoken before by the apostles of our Lord Jesus Christ. 

423. The subject of the Restrictive Attributive Participle is 
often omitted. The participle is then an Adjective Participle 
used substantively. Such a participle usually has the article, 
but not invariably. HA. 966 ; G. 1560. 

Matt. 10 : 37 ; 6 <£iAgjv irarepa rj panripa VTtep e/xe ovk ecrrtv /xov a£ios, 

he that loveth father or mother more than me is not worthy of me. 
Acts 5 : 14 ; 7rpoo~eTc8evTo 7no-T€uovres tw Kvptw TrXrjOg avSpwv re kol 
yvvaiKwv, believers were added to the Lord, multitudes both of men and 
women. 

Acts 10 : 35 ; dXX' iv 7ravrt. ZOvei 6 cf)o(3ovp:evo<; clvtov kol epya£o/xevos 
BtKaLoavvnv Scktos avr<2 io-rlv, but in every nation he that feareth 
him, and worketh righteousness, is acceptable to him. 

Rev. 1:3; /xaKapio? 6 dvayivoio-KOiv kol 61 aKovovres rovs Xoyovs rrjs 
Trpo<f>r]TeLa<; kcu TYjpovvjes rot, iv avrrj yeypapL/xeva, blessed is he that 
readeth, and they that hear the words of the prophecy, and keep the 
things which are written therein. 

424. A noun without the article, or an indefinite pronoun, is 
sometimes limited by a participle with the article. The article 
in this case does not make the noun strictly definite. The 
person or thing referred to is placed within the class charac- 
terized by the action denoted by the participle, and the atten- 
tion is directed to some one or to certain ones of that class, 
who are not, however, more specifically identified. Nearly the 
same meaning is expressed by a participle without the article, 
or on the other hand by a relative clause limiting an indefinite 
substantive. For classical examples of this usage see WM. p. 
136 ; WT. pp. 109 f. 

Col. 2:8; /3A.e7rere psq ns {yxas ecrrai 6 avXa.ya.yviv Sia rrj<; (faXoao- 
<f>Ld<;, take heed lest there shall be any one that maketh spoil of you 
through his philosophy. See also Acts 5 : 17 ; 10 : 41 ; Gal. 1 : 7. 



166 



THE MOODS. 



425. A neuter participle with the article is sometimes 
equivalent to an abstract noun. It is then limited by a geni- 
tive like any other abstract noun. HA. 966, b. ; G. 1562. 

Phil. 3:8; Sia to virepeypv rrjs yvooaetos Xpiorov 'Irjaov tov Kvpiov 
/jlov, because of the excellency [superiority] of the knowledge of Christ 
Jesus my Lord. See also the similar use of neuter adjectives in 
Rom. 2 : 4 ; 1 Cor. 1 : 25 ; Phil. 4:5; Heb. 6 : 17. TO/, pp. 294 f . : 
WT. pp. 234 f . 

426. The Explanatory Attributive Participle. An 

attributive Adjective Participle may be used to describe a 
person or thing already known or identified. It is then 
equivalent to an explanatory relative clause. Cf. 295. 

2 Tim. 1 : 8, 9 ; kclto. 6vvap.iv 6eov, tov crwcravTos 7} fias kcu KoAecravTos 
KXrjcreL ayi'a, according to the power of God ; who saved us, and called 
us ivith a holy calling. 

1 Thess. 1 : 10 ; 'Yrjcrovv tov pvo/xevov ly/xas Ik ty}s opyrjs Trjq ep^o/xe'v^s, 
Jesus, which delivereth us from the wrath to come. In this example 
pvop,evov is explanatory, ipxop.ivrj<; is restrictive. See also Acts 
20 : 32 ; Heb. 7:9. 

427. An Attributive Participle when used to limit a noun 
which has the article, stands in the so-called attributive posi- 
tion, i.e. between the article and the noun, or after an article 
following the noun ; but when the participle is limited by an 
adverbial phrase, this phrase may stand between the article 
and the noun, and the participle without the article follow the 
noun. It thus results that all the following orders are possi- 
ble : 

(1) article, participle, modifier of the participle, noun; 

(2) art., mod., part., noun ; 

(3) art., mod., noun, part. ; 

(4) art., part., noun, mod. ; 

(5) art., noun, art., mod., part. ; 



THE ADJECTIVE PARTICIPLE. 



167 



(6) art., noun, art., part., mod. See Professor Charles Short's 
essay on The Order of Words in Attic Greek Prose, in Yonge's 
English-Greek Lexicon, pp. xlix. f. ; K. 464, 8 ; HA. 667, a. 

Acts 13 : 32 ; ko1 ^/xti? vfxas evayyeXi^o/xcOa rrjv 7rp6s tovs iraripas 
kirayyeXlav yevofxevrjv, and we bring you good tidings of the promise 
made unto the fathers. See also Acts 12 : 10 ; 26 : 4, 6 ; Heb. 2:2; 
and especially Horn. 2 : 27, where yj Ik <£wreojs aKpofivaTia rov vo/jlov 
rekovaa should doubtless be rendered, the uncircumcision which 
by nature fulfils the law (cf. v. 14). 

428. An Attributive Participle equivalent to a relative 
clause, may like a relative clause convey a subsidiary idea of 
cause, purpose, condition, or concession (cf. 294, 296 ff., 317 
ff.). It then partakes of the nature of both the Adjective 
Participle and the Adverbial Participle. Cf. 434. 

Rom. 3:5; /xt) ciSikos 6 #eos 6 lirifyzpoiv rrjv opyrjv, is God unright- 
eous, who [because he~\ visiteth with wrath ? 

Matt. 10 : 39 ; 6 evpwv rrjv 4 fV XQ v a vrov oaroXeacL avrrjv, kol 6 d7roAe- 
cras ty]v ipv)(r)v avrov cVe/cev e/xot) evprjaet avrrjv, he that findeth his 
life shall lose it, and he that loseih his life for my sake shall find it. 
See also vss. 37, 40, 41 ; cf. vss. 38, 42, and Luke 14 : 26. 

429. The Predicative Adjective Participle. A parti- 
ciple may be used as the predicate of the verb elfii or other 
copulative verb. 

Matt. 3 : 15 ; ovTUi yap 7rp€7rov ecrrtv yplv TrX-qpiocrai 7racrav §iKaiocrvvnv, 

for thus it is becoming for us to fulfil all righteousness. 
Gal. 1 : 22 ; rjparjv Se ay voov/xevos rco 7rpo(ro)7r(o rat? iKK\r)0~iai<; rrjs 

'IovSatas, and I icas unknown by face unto the churches of Judea. 
Rev. 1 : 18 ; Kal iyevo/x-nv vexpos kcu l$ov dpi ets rovs cua>yas rwv 

aloivoiv, and I became dead, and behold, I am alive for evermore. 

430. The Predicative Participle always stands in the so- 
called predicative position, i.e. not in attributive position, 
which is between the article and its noun or after an article 
following the noun. Cf. 427. 



168 



THE MOODS. 



431. Under the head of the Predicative Participle belong 
those Present and Perfect Participles which, with the Present, 
Imperfect, and Future of the verb, form periphrastic Presents, 
Imperfects, Perfects, Pluperfects, Futures, and Future Perfects. 
Cf . 20, 34, 71, 84, 91, 97 ; GMT. 45, 830, 831 ; B. pp. 308-313 ; 
S. pp. 131 ff. See Eev. 1 : 18 ; Matt. 27 : 33 ; Mark 2 : 18 ; Luke 
1:21; 13:10; Jas. 5 : 15 ; 2 Cor. 9 : 3 ; Luke2:26; John 13:5; 
Matt. 18 : 18. 

432. To the Greek mind there was doubtless a distinction 
of thought between the participle which retained its adjective 
force and its distinctness from the copula, and that which 
was so joined with the copula as to be felt as an element 
of a compound tense-form. This distinction can usually be 
perceived by us ; yet in the nature of the case there will 
occur instances which it will be difficult to assign with cer- 
tainty to one class or the other. Since, moreover, an Adjec- 
tive Participle used substantively without the article may 
stand in the predicate, this gives rise to a third possibility. 
A participle without the article standing in the predicate is 
therefore capable of three explanations : 

(a) It may be an Attributive Participle used substantively. 
So probably 

Mark 10 : 22 ; rjv yap Ix^v KTrjixara 7roAAa, for he was one that had 
great possessions. See also John 18 : 30. 

(6) It may be a Predicative Participle retaining its adjec- 
tive force. So probably the examples under 429, especially 
Gal. 1 : 22. 

(c) It may form with the copula a periphrastic verb-form. 

Luke 5 : 17 ; kol lyive.ro iv pua tujv rjp-epihv kou olvtos rjv SiSacr/cwv, 

and it came to pass on one of those days that he ivas teaching. 



THE ADVERBIAL PARTICIPLE. 



169 



433. An Adjective Participle used substantively with the 
article may of course occur as a predicate with a copula. This, 
however, is not properly a Predicative Participle. The presence 
of the article makes its use as a noun easily evident. The 
participle without the article may be as really substantive 
(432, a), but is not so easily distinguished as such. 

Luke 7:19; av el 6 ipxo/xevos ; art thou he that cometh? See also 
Luke 16:15; 22:28. 

THE ADVEKBIAL PAKTIOIPLE. 

434. The Adverbial Participle logically modifies some 
other verb of the sentence in which it stands, being equiva- 
lent to an adverbial phrase or clause denoting time, condi- 
tion, concession, cause, purpose, means, manner, or attend- 
ant circumstance. HA. 969; 6r. 1563. Thus we find: 

435. The Adverbial Participle of Time, equivalent to 
a temporal clause. 

Luke 24 : 36 ; ravra Se avroiv XoXovvtuv auros earr) iv [xeaw avT&v, 

and as they spake these things, he himself stood in the midst of them. 
John 16:8; kol eXOwv exeivos IXiy^u tov Koa/xov, and he, when he is 
come, will convict the world. 

436. The Adverbial Participle of Condition, equiva- 
lent to a conditional clause. 

Heb. 2:3; 7ra)9 rj/jLeis iK(f)ev$6fxe0a r-nXiKavr-q^ a/AeXrjaavTes CTarr^otas, 
how shall ice escape, if we neglect so great salvation ? 

1 Tim. 4:4; on irav KTta-fxa Ocov kolXov, kol ovSev air 6 fiXr)Tov jxera 
e^apicrrta? XafifSavo/xevov, for every creature of God is good, and 
nothing is to be rejected, if it be received with thanksgiving. See also 
1 Cor. 11 : 29 ; Gal. 6 : 9. 



170 



THE MOODS. 



437. The Adverbial Participle of Concession, equiva- 
lent to a concessive clause. The concessive force is some- 
times emphasized by prefixing Ka'nrep or kclL ye to the 
participle. 

Acts 13 : 28 ; kol fi-nSe/xtav ahiav Oavarov €vp6vTes ■gTrjcravTO HetAarov 

avaipeOrjvcu avrov, and though they found no cause of death in him, 

yet asked they of Pilate that he should be slain. 
Heb. 5:8; KatVep <Sv mos, e/xaOev a<f> cjv e-rraOev rrjv viraKoyjv, though 

he was a Son, yet he learned obedience by the things which he suffered. 

See also Matt. 14 : 9 ; Mark 4 : 31 ; Acts 17 : 27. 

438. A concessive participle refers to a fact which is 
unfavorable to the occurrence of the event denoted by the 
principal verb. Cf. 278. It should be distinguished from the 
participle which is merely antithetical. A participle denoting 
accompanying circumstance, or even condition or cause, may 
be antithetical. See 1 Cor. 4 : 12, SiwKo'juevoi dj/ex°V € ^ a 5 2 Cor. 
8:9; Gal. 2:3. 

439. The Adverbial Participle of Cause, equivalent 
to a causal clause. 

Col. 1 : 3, 4 ; evxoLpio-Tov/Jiev rco #ea> . . . aKOixravres tt)v ttlo-tlv ifxwv iv 
XpicrTa) 'Ino-ov, we give thanks to God . . . having heard (because 
we have heard) of your faith in Christ Jesus. 

1 Tim. 4:8; 17 Se evaifSaa 7rpo? Travra. d><f>e\ip6<; ecrnv, e7rayyeAtav 
€X 0V(Ta rrjs vvv kol Trjs ixeWovo-ns, but godliness is profitable 

for all things, having promise of the life ivhich now is, and of that which 
is to come. See also Matt. 2:3, 10 ; Acts 9 : 26. 

440. 'O? prefixed to a Participle of Cause implies that the 
action denoted by the participle is supposed, asserted, or pro- 
fessed by some one, usually the subject of the principal verb, 
to be the cause of the action of the principal verb. The 
speaker does not say whether the supposed or alleged cause 
actually exists. HA. 978; 67. 1574. 



THE ADVERBIAL PARTICIPLE. 



171 



1 Cor. 4:18; u$s firj lp\o}xivov Si fxov 7rp6s vjxa<i ixfrvaaoOgadv rive?, 

but some are puffed up, as though I were not coming to you, i.e. be- 
cause (as they suppose) I am not coming. See also Acts 23 : 15, 
20; 27:30; 28:19; 1 Pet. 4 : 12. 

441. The origin of this idiom is probably in a clause of manner con- 
sisting of cJs and a finite verb, the latter modified by a Participle of Cause. 
Thus KoX&fas fji-e cJs K(iKOTroL7j(rcivTCL, you punish me as having done evil, i.e. 
you punish me because, as you allege, I have done evil, may have its 
origin in such a sentence as /coXdfets fxe cJs KoXd^ecs riva KaKoiroirjcravTa, you 
punish me, as you punish one who has (or because he has) done evil. Yet 
it is not to be supposed that the Greek any more than the English required 
the supplying of a finite verb after wj. Such phrases in classical Greek 
or in the New Testament are, as they stand and without the addition of 
other words, expressions of cause, the use of cJs indicating that the phrase 
describes the opinion or assertion of the subject of the sentence rather 
than of the speaker. 

442. The Adverbial Participle of Purpose, equivalent 
to a final clause. This is usually, but not invariably, in 
the Future tense. 

Acts 8 : 27 ; [os] eXrjXvOa TrpoaKwrjcriov eh 'lepovaaXy/jL, who had come 

to Jerusalem to loorship. 
Acts 3 : 26 ; aTreoTeiAev avrbv evXoyovvra vfxas, he sent him to bless you. 

443. The Adverbial Participle of Means. This can- 
not usually be resolved into a clause. 

Matt. 6 : 27 ; tls Se i£ v/jluv /xepi/xvoov hvvarai 7rpo<j0eivca im r-qv 
■fjXLKLav avrov 7rr}x vv tva, and which of you by being anxious can 
add one cubit unto his stature? See also Acts 16 : 16 ; Heb. 2 : 18. 

444. The Adverbial Participle of Manner, describing 
the manner in which the action denoted by the verb is 
done. 

Acts 2:13; erepoi Se 8ta^Aeua^oi/res eAeyov, but others mocking said. 
See also Luke 19 : 48. 



172 



THE MOODS. 



445. The manner of an action is frequently expressed by 
<os with the participle. 

Mark 1 : 22 ; r/v yap SiSacrKajv avrovs ojs e£ovcriav l^cov Kal ou^ cos ot 
ypa/A/xarets, for he taught them as one having authority, and not as the 
scribes. 

1 Cor. 9 : 26 ; otjtoos irvKTevm co? ovk depa Sepwv, so fight I as not beat- 

ing the air. 

2 Cor. 5 : 20 ; v-rrep XpUTrov ovv 7rpecr/3evop.ev cos rov Oeov irapaKaXovv- 

tos oY 7]p\u)v, ice are ambassadors therefore on behalf of Christ, as 
though God were intreating by us. 

446. When cos with the participle is used to express manner, the parti- 
ciple itself may be either an Adjective Participle used substantively or an 
Adverbial Participle of Manner. The origin of such expressions is doubt- 
less, in either case, in a clause of manner consisting of cJs and a finite verb 
similar to the principal verb, the participle being either the subject of 
such a verb or an adverbial (or other) limitation of it. Thus 5<.8&<TKei as 
%X WV Qpvqiav is equivalent to diddcr/cei w's %x^v i^ovcrtav 8i5a<TKei, he teaches 
as one having authority teaches, or 5t5d<rKet ws rts StSdcr/cei e^wv i^ova-lav, he 
teaches as one teaches having authority. Yet in neither case is it to be 
supposed that the Greek, any more than the English, required the sup- 
plying of a finite verb after cJs. The phrase as it stood was an expres- 
sion of manner. That the participle, however, was in some cases still 
felt as a substantive (Adjective Participle used substantively) seems 
probable from its being used correlatively with an adjective or noun and 
from the occasional use of the participle with the article. See Mark 1 : 22 
above ; also 1 Cor. 7 : 25 ; 2 Cor. 6 : 9, 10 ; 1 Pet. 2 : 16 ; and cf. Mark 
6 : 34 ; Luke 22 : 26, 27. That this is not always the case, but that the 
participle itself is sometimes adverbial is evident from such cases as 2 Cor. 
5 : 20 (see above, 445). 

447. The participle expressing manner or means often 
denotes the same action as that of the principal verb, describ- 
ing it from a different point of view. In this case the participle 
is as respects its tense a (Present or Aorist) Participle of 
Identical Action (cf. 120, 139), while as respects its modal 
function it is a participle of manner or means. 



THE ADVERBIAL PARTICIPLE. 



173 



Acts 5 : 30 ; 6 0eo? rcov irarepoiv rj/xiov rjyeipev 'Y-qvovu, ov v/zei? 
Biex^pccracrOe Kpep.dcravTe<; eirl £v\ov, the God of our fathers raised 
up Jesus, whom ye slew by hanging him on a tree. See also Acts 
9 : 22 ; 10 : 33 ; 1 Tim. 5 : 21. 

448. In quotations from the Old Testament a participle is 
sometimes placed before a personal form of the same verb. 
The idiom arises from an imitation of the Hebrew construction 
with the Infinitive Absolute. The force of the participle is 
in general intensive. Hr. 28, 3, a; B. pp. 313 f . ; WM. pp. 
445 f. ; WT. pp. 354 f . 

Heb. 6:14; evXoy&v evXoyrjcroi ere kcu 7rXr)0vvo)v 7rXr)6vvio ere, blessing 
I will bless thee, and multiplying I will multiply thee. 

449. The Adverbial Participle of Attendant Circum- 
stance. 

Mark 16:20 ; eKelvoi Be e£eX$ovTe<; €Krjpv£av iravraypv, tov Kvptov 
avvepyovvTos kcu tov Xoyov /3e(3aiovvTos, and they went forth and 
preached everywhere, the Lord working with them and confirming the 
word. 

Luke 4:15; kcu outo? eBiSacrKev ev Tats <rwaytoyats avrcuv, So£a£o- 
/xevo? V7r6 TTcivToiv, and he taught in their synagogues, being glorified 
of all. 

Acts 15 : 22 ; totc eBo£e rots clttocttoXoi's kcu rot? 7r pea fivre pots . . . 
€K\e£ap:evovs avBpas i$ clvtiov 7re/xi//ai eh 'Avrto^etai/, then it seemed 
good to the apostles and the elders . . . to choose men out of their com- 
pany and send them to Antioch. 

Acts 18 : 18 ; 6 Be IlatiAos . . . e^eVAei eis r-qv ^vptav, kcu ctvv avraJ 
IIptaKiAAa kcu 'A/a>Aas, Keipdpevos ev KevXpcats rrjv KefyaX-qv, and 
Paul . . . sailed thence for Syria, and ujith him Priscilla and Aquila ; 
having shorn his head in Cenchrece. 

2 Tim. 4 : 11 ; MdpKov avaXaficov aye pera. creavrov, take Mark and 
bring him with thee. See also Luke 5:7; 11:7. 

450. The term "attendant" as used above does not define the tem- 
poral relation of the participle to the verb, but the logical relation. The 
action of a Participle of Attendant Circumstance may precede the action 



174 



THE MOODS. 



of the principal verb, accompany it, or even follow it. But as respects 
logical relation, it is presented merely as an accompaniment of the action 
of the verb. It does not, e.g., define the time or the cause, or the means 
of the action of the principal verb, but simply prefixes or adds an asso- 
ciated fact or conception. It is thus often equivalent to a coordinate verb 
with /cat. Though grammatically not an independent element of the 
sentence, the participle in such cases becomes in thought assertive, 
hortatory, optative, imperative, etc., according to the function of the 
principal verb. 

The position of the Participle of Attendant Circumstance with refer- 
ence to the verb is not determined by any fixed rules, but by the order 
of the writer's thought, this being in turn governed of course to a certain 
extent by the order of the events. If the action of the participle is ante- 
cedent to that of the verb, the participle most commonly precedes the verb, 
but not invariably. Such a participle is usually in the Aorist tense (134), 
but occasionally in the Present (127). If the action of the participle is 
simultaneous with that of the verb, it may either precede or follow the 
verb, more frequently the latter. It is of course in the Present tense 
(119). If the action of the participle is subsequent to that of the princi- 
pal verb, it almost invariably follows the verb, the tense of the participle 
being determined by the conception of the action as respects its progress. 
The instances of this last-named class are not frequent in the New Testa- 
ment and are perhaps due to Aramaic influence. Cf. 119, Rem. ; 145. 

451. The various relations of time, cause, manner, etc., being 
not expressed, but implied by the participle, cases arise in 
which it is impossible to assign the participle unquestionably 
to any one of the above heads. Indeed, more than one of these 
relations may be implied by the same participle. 

452. The Genitive Absolute. An Adverbial Participle 
may stand in agreement with a noun or pronoun in the geni- 
tive without grammatical dependence upon any other part of 
the sentence, the two constituting a genitive absolute phrase 
and expressing any of the adverbial relations enumerated in 
435-449. HA. 970, 971 ; G. 1568. 

Rom. 9:1; aXrjOaav Aeyco ev X/oictto), ov if/evSo/xca, (rvv/JLaprvpovo-ns 
/xoi rrjs crweiS^crea)? fxov iv 7rveu/xari ayta), I say the truth in Christ, 
I lie not, my conscience bearing ivitness icith me in the Holy Ghost. 
See also John 8 : 30 ; Acts 12 : 18 ; 18 : 20. 



THE SUBSTANTIVE PARTICIPLE. 



175 



453. The noun or pronoun of the genitive absolute phrase regularly 
refers to a person or thing not otherwise mentioned in the sentence. 
Occasionally, however, this principle is violated, and the genitive phrase 
may even refer to the subject of the sentence. This irregularity is some- 
what more frequent in the New Testament than in classical Greek. HA. 
972, d. ; GMT. 850. See Matt. 1 : 18 ; Acts 22 : 17, and other examples in 
B. pp. 315 f. 

454. A participle in the genitive absolute occasionally stands alone 
without an accompanying noun or pronoun, when the person or thing 
referred to is easily perceived from the context. HA. 972, a. ; G. 1568 ; 
GMT. 848. See Luke 12 : 36 ; Rom. 9:11. 

455. The Adverbial Participle always stands in the so-called 
predicative position, i.e. not in attributive position, which is 
between the article and its noun or after an article following 
the noun. Cf. 427. 

THE SUBSTANTIVE PARTICIPLE. 

456. The Substantive Participle is employed as itself 
the name of an action. It thus performs a function which 
is more commonly discharged by the Infinitive. HA. 980- 
984; #.1578-1593. 

457. The Substantive Participle as Subject. The 

Substantive Participle may be used as an integral part of 
the subject of a verb, the action which it denotes being 
itself an essential part of that of which the predicate is 
affirmed. 

Matt. 6:16; oVcd? <f>av£)o~Lv tol<s avOpto-n-ois vno-TevovTes, that they may 

he seen of men to fast. (Not only they, but their fasting, is to be seen.) 
Acts 5 : 42 ; ovk kiravovTo SiSacrKOvres kol euayyeAi£o/xevot rbv \picrrov 

'Irjarovv, they ceased not teaching and preaching Jesus as the Christ. 

See also Matt. 1 : 18, e^ovaa ; Mark 6 : 2, ytvo/xei/at ; Luke 5 : 4, 

Aa\u)v. 



176 



THE MOODS. 



458. The Substantive Participle as Object. The Sub- 
stantive Participle may be used as an integral part of the 
object of a transitive verb. This occurs especially after 
verbs of perception, the action denoted by the participle 
being itself that which one perceives. 

Luke 8:46; iyd) yap eyvtov Svvap.Lv i$eXr]XvOvtav air ip.ov, for I per- 
ceived power to have gone out of me. 

John 7 : 32 ; rjKovaav oi Qapicraloi tov o\Xov yoyyv^ovTos, the Pharisees 
heard the multitude murmuring . 

459. With verbs of finishing, ceasing, etc., the Substantive 
Participle agrees grammatically with the subject of the verb. 
Since, however, certain of these verbs are transitive, the 
action denoted by the participle must in these cases be re- 
garded as logically the object of the verb. 

Matt. 11:1; ore eYcAeo-ev 6 'l-ncrovs o*iaTacrcru)v rots SooSe/ca pxxOinTaZs 
avrov, when Jesus had finished commanding his twelve disciples. Cf. 
Matt. 13 : 53 ; see also Luke 7 : 45. 

460. The Substantive Participle in Indirect Discourse. 
A Substantive Participle forming a part of the object of a verb 
is sometimes equivalent to a clause of indirect discourse. 

1 John 4:2; irav 7rvevp.a o 6/xoAoyet ^lrjcrovv XpioTov iv vapid iX-n- 
XvOora i< tov Oeov io-Tiv, every spirit which confesseth that Jesus 
Christ has come in the flesh is of God. See also Luke 4 : 23 ; 
Acts 7 : 12; 8 : 23 ; 3 John 4. 

461. The Substantive Participle as a Limiting- Gen- 
itive. The Substantive Participle may be used as an 
integral part of a genitive limiting phrase. 

John 4 : 39 ; 7roXXol e7TLO~Tevo~av eis avTov tcov ^<ap.apeiT<j)v Sia tov Xoyov 
Trjs ywaiKos pjxpTvpovo-ns, many of the Samaritans believed on him 
because of the word of the woman testifying, i.e. of the icoman's testi- 
mony. See also Heb. 8:9; and cf . Jos. Ant. 10. 4. 2, where a Sub- 
stantive Participle occurs after a preposition. 



THE SUBSTANTIVE PARTICIPLE. 



177 



462. The Substantive Participle, like the Adverbial Parti- 
ciple, always stands in the so-called predicative position. Cf. 
455, and 427. 

463. The Substantive Participle must be carefully distin- 
guished from the Adjective Participle used substantively. 
The latter designates the doer of an action, the former the 
action itself. "In the one it is the adjective force of the word 
which is substantivized, in the other, the verbal force." See 
Stevens, u.s., 419, Rem. 1. 



THE USE OF NEGATIVES WITH VERBS. 



464. In the use of the simple negatives ov and fxrj and 
their compounds, ovSe, ouSeis, ovre, ovkItl, fxrjSi, nySefe, fArjre, 
fxrjKeri, etc., as also of the double negatives ov fxrj and fxrj ov, 
New Testament Greek conforms in the main to classical 
usage, yet exhibits several important variations. The fol- 
lowing sections exhibit the essential features of New Testa- 
ment usage in comparison with that of classical writers ; 
rarer and more delicate classical usages which have no 
analogies in New Testament usage are not mentioned ; state- 
ments which are not restricted to classical or New Testament 
usage are to be understood as referring to both. What is 
said respecting the simple negatives ov and /xyj applies in 
general also to their respective compounds when standing 
alone. 

NEGATIVES WITH THE INDICATIVE. 

465. The Indicative in an independent declaratory sentence 
regularly takes ov as its negative. HA. 1020 ; G. 1608. 

John 1:11 ; eis to. tSta r)\0ev, kcu ot lSlol clvtov ov 7rapeXa{3ov, he 

came unto his own, and they that were his own received him not. 

Rem. On the use of negatives in later Greek, see Gild., Encroach- 
ments of fx-fj on ov in later Greek, in A.J. P. I. pp. 45 ff. 

178 



NEGATIVES WITH THE INDICATIVE. 179 

466. In classical Greek, the Future Indicative used to ex- 
press a prohibition sometimes has ov, sometimes prj. HA. 
844; GMT. 69, 70. 

In the New Testament a Prohibitory Future takes ov. 

Matt. 6:5; koll orav 7rpoo~ev)(r)o-6e, ovk eaeaOe ojs ol \nroKpiTa.[, and 

ichen ye pray, ye shall not be as the hypocrites. 

467. In questions that can be answered affirmatively or 
negatively, ov is used with the Indicative to imply that an 
affirmative answer is expected ; fxrj to imply that a negative 
answer is expected. HA. 1015 ; G. 1603. 

Matt. 13 : 55 ; ovx ovtos iariv 6 tov tzktovos vlos, is not this the car- 
penter's son ? 

John 7:51; pvq 6 vo/xo? rjfxwv Kptva tov avOparrrov iav prj aKovorrj 
irpdrov irap clvtov, doth our law judge a man, except it first hear from 
himself 1 ? 

468. In Eom. 10 : 18, 19 ; 1 Cor. 9 : 4, 5 ; 11 : 22, ov is 
used in rhetorical questions equivalent to affirmative state- 
ments. Each negative has, however, its own proper force, 
ov making the verb negative, and firj implying that a negative 
answer is expected to the question thus made negative. 

469. In classical Greek, the Indicative in conditional and 
conditional relative clauses is regularly negatived by p,rj. But 
oi sometimes occurs in conditions of the first class. In this 
case ov negatives the verb of the clause or other single element 
rather than the supposition as such. HA. 1021 ; G. 1610, 1383. 

In the New Testament, conditional clauses of the second 
class (248) are regularly negatived by p.rj. In other conditional 
clauses and in conditional relative clauses, the Indicative 
usually takes ov as its negative, occasionally p.rj. In con- 
cessive clauses the Indicative takes oi. 



180 THE USE OF NEGATIVES WITH VERBS. 



John 9 : 33 ; et /xrj i]v ouros Trapd Oeov, ovk rjSvvaro irottiv ovSev, if this 
man were not from God, he could do nothing. See also Matt. 24 : 22. 
Rom. 8:9; et Se ns -rrvevpua ILpcarov ovk e\ei, ovros ovk eanv avrov, 

but if any man hath not the Spirit of Christ, he is none of his. See 
also Luke 14 : 26. 

Matt. 10 : 38 ; Kal os ov \ap,/3dvei rbv aravpov avrov Kal aKoXovOel 
oirCcro} p.ov, ovk earcv pcov a£ios, and he that does not take his cross 
and follow after me, is not worthy of me. See also Luke 9 : 50 ; 
14 : 33 ; cf. 2 Pet. 1:9; 1 John 4 : 3. 

Luke 18:4, 5; et Kal rbv Oeov ov cf>o(3ovp.ai ovSe dvOpoj-rrov evrpeiropM, 
Bid ye to 7rape^etv /xot kottov rrjv XVP av Ta -vrr)V eK§iKrjo-u) avrrjv, 
though I fear not God nor regard man, yet because this widow 
troubleth me, I will avenge her. 

2 Cor. 13 : 5 ; rj ovk eiriyivdicrKere eavrov<; on T>;crovs Xptaros iv 
vpuv ; et pvrjTL dBoKip.OL ecrre, or know ye not as to your own selves that 
Jesus Christ is in you? unless indeed ye are reprobate. See also 
1 Tim. 6:3; Tit. 1:6. 

Rem. In Matt. 26:24; Mark 14:21, ov occurs in the protasis of a 
conditional sentence of the second class. 

470. It is possible that ov in conditional and conditional relative 
sentences in the New Testament is usually to be explained as negativing 
the predicate directly (cf. G. 1383. 2 ; Th. et, III. 11.), frf on the other 
hand as negativing the supposition as such. Yet the evidence does not 
clearly establish this distinction ; to press it in every case is certainly 
an over-refinement. Cf., e.g., 1 John 4: 3, irav -rrvevixa b fxrj 6/j.o\oye? tov 
'Irjcrovv ck rod Oeov ovk '4o~tiv, and 1 John 4 : 6, os ovk '4o-tlv ck tov deov ovk 
aKovei 7]ixQ)v. See also 1 Tim. 6 : 3 and Tit. 1 : 6, where fi-r/ is used after et, yet 
quite evidently belongs to the verb rather than to the supposition as such. 

471. Ei yu.77 in the sense of except is used as a fixed phrase, 
without reference to the mood which would follow it if the 
ellipsis were supplied. Cf. 274. 

Matt. 17 : 8 ; ovSiva el8ov el p:y avrov 'Irjcrovv p,6vov, they saw no one 
save Jesus only. 

Mark 9:9; hieareiXaro aurois iva pvqhevl a eTSov Si-nyrjcrwrai, el p.rj 
orav 6 vios rov dv6pu)7rov ck veKpo>v dvaarrj, he charged them that 
they should tell no man what things they had seen, save when the Son 
of man should have arisen from the dead. 



SUBJUNCTIVE, OPTATIVE, AND IMPERATIVE. 181 



472. In clauses introduced by fxrj as a conjunction, the 
Indicative takes ov as its negative. After other final particles 
its negative is firj. HA. 1021, 1033 ; G. 1610. 

Rev. 9:4; kcu ippeOrj aureus iva prj a&iKrjo~ovo-Lv rov x°P TOV T *7? TV 1 *? 

and it was said unto them that they should not hurt the grass of the 
earth. The continuation of this sentence by ovBi . . . ovSe is a 
syntactical irregularity. Col. 2 : 8 illustrates the rule. 

473. In indirect discourse the negative of the direct form 
is retained. HA. 1022 ; G. 1608. 

Matt. 16 : 11 ; 7rws ov voeire on ov Trepl aprwv el-n-ov vpuv, how is it 

that ye do not perceive that I spake not to you concerning bread ? 

Rem. In 1 John 2 : 22 a clause of indirect discourse depending on a 
verb meaning to deny contains a redundant ov. Cf. 482, and B. p. 355. 

474. In causal clauses, and in simple relative clauses not 
expressing purpose or condition, the Indicative is regularly 
negatived by ov. HA. 1021 ; G. 1608. 

John 8:20; koll ovSeis €7riacrev avrov, on ov-tto) iXrjkvOcL wpa avrov, 

and no man took him ; because his hour was not yet come. 
Mark 2 :24; t'Se rt Troiovaiv rot? o~6.fi fiacriv o ovk ttjeomv, behold, why 
do they on the sabbath day that which is not lawful ? 

Rem. 1. In John 3 : 18 a causal clause has an Indicative with yA). This 
is quite exceptional in the New Testament, but similar instances occur in 
later Greek. B. p. 349, Gild. u.s. p. 53. 

Rem. 2. Tit. 1:11, diddaKovTes a firj 8e? is an exception to the general 
rule for relative clauses, unless indeed the relative clause is to be taken 
as conditional. Cf. 469. 

NEGATIVES WITH THE SUBJUNCTIVE, OPTATIVE, AND 
IMPEEATIVE. 

475. The negative of the Subjunctive both in principal and 
in subordinate clauses is p.r/, except in clauses introduced by 



182 



THE USE OF NEGATIVES WITH VERBS. 



the conjunction p.rj, lest. In these the negative is ov. Con- 
cerning ov firj with the Subjunctive see 487, 488. HA. 1019, 
1033 ; G. 1610. 

1 John 3 : 18 ; /at) aya.TT03p.ev Xoy<o, let us not love in word. 

Heb. 4:7; jay) o-KX-qpvvrjre ras KapStas vjxtov, harden not your hearts. 

2 Cor. 12 : 20 ; <po/3ovpiai yap pvrj 7ro>s iXOujv ovx olovs OeXui evpio 
vpLas, for I fear, lest by any means, when I come, I should find you 
not such as 1 would. See also Acts 20:16; Rom. 10:15; 1 Cor. 
2:5. 

Rem. 1. In Matt. 25 : 9 a Subjunctive after the conjunction fxr/ is 
negatived by ov (WH. margin), or, according to other mss., followed by 
WH. (text) by the strong negative ov firj. 

Rem. 2. In Rom. 5:11 ov /j.6vop limits a verb understood which is 
probably to be taken as a Subjunctive. Cf. 479, 481. 

476. In classical Greek, ov is used with the Potential 
Optative ; /«J with the Optative of Wishing. In the New 
Testament, no instance of a negatived Potential Optative 
occurs. With the Optative of Wishing p.yj is used as in 
classical Greek. HA. 1020 ; G. 1608. 

Gal. 6 : 14; ip:ol Se /xrj ykvoiro Kavxao~0aL, but far be it from me to glory. 
See also Mark 11 : 14 ; Rom. 3 : 4, 6, 31, etc. 

477. In classical Greek, the Optative in subordinate clauses 
takes fxrj as its negative except in indirect discourse and after 
firj, lest. HA. 1021, 1022 ; G. 1610. 

In the New Testament, no instance of a negatived Optative 
in a subordinate clause occurs. 

478. The negative of the Imperative is p.rj. HA. 1019; 
G. 1610. 

This rule holds in the New Testament with very rare 
exceptions. 

Luke 12 : 11 ; p.rj p.epip.vrjo-r)TC 7rcus [rj tl] aTroXoyya-rjo-Oe, be not anxious 
how or what ye shall answer. See also under 165. 



INFINITIVE AND PARTICIPLE. 



183 



479. Of the apparent exceptions to the rule stated above (478), some 
are to be explained as parenthetic non-imperative phrases in the midst of 
imperative sentences. So, clearly, in 1 Cor. 5 : 10, [7 meant] not [that 
you should have no company] at all, with the fornicators of this world, etc. 
So also 2 Tim. 2 : 14, that they strive not about vjords, [a thing which is] 
profitable for nothing. The use of oi>x rather than ix-q in 1 Pet. 3 : 3 seems 
to indicate that the following words, 6 . . . k6<t/j.os, are excluded from the 
injunction rather than included in a prohibition. In 1 Pet. 2 : 18 ov \xbvov 
occurs, perhaps as a fixed phrase, after a participle with Imperative of the 
verb elvai understood. On the other hand, it is noticeable that elsewhere 
limitations of the Imperative when negatived regularly take n-q. Thus /jltj 
ixbvov occurs in John 13 : 9 ; Phil. 2 : 12 ; Jas. 1 : 22. Cf. 481. 

NEGATIVES WITH THE INFINITIVE AND PAETIOIPLE. 

480. In classical Greek, the Infinitive usually takes ov as 
its negative in indirect discourse; elsewhere /xrj. HA. 1023, 
1024; G. 1611; but see also Gild. u.s. (465, Rem.) pp. 48 ff. 
on the use of prj with the Infinitive in indirect discourse. 

In the New Testament, the Infinitive regularly takes fxrj 
as its negative in all constructions. 

Matt. 22:23; Xiyovres fir] elvai avao~Tao~iv, saying that there is no 
resurrection. 

Luke 11 : 42 ; ravra Se eSei Troirjcrai KaKelva fxrj -TrapelvaL, but these ought 
ye to have done, and not to leave the other undone. 

481. When a limitation of an Infinitive or of its subject 
is to be negatived rather than the Infinitive itself, the negative 
ov is sometimes used instead of fxrj. See Rom. 7 : 6 ; 1 Cor. 
1 : 17 ; Heb. 7 : 11 ; 13 : 9. This principle applies especially 
in the case of the adverb fxovov. In the New Testament at 
least, ov fj.ovov rather than fxrj povov occurs regularly with the 
Infinitive, and this both when the phrase as a whole belongs 
to the Infinitive itself, and when it applies rather to some 
limitation of the Infinitive. See John 11:52; Acts 21:13; 
26 : 29 ; 27 : 10 ; Rom. 4 : 12, 16 ; 13 : 5 ; 2 Cor. 8 : 10 ; Phil. 



184 THE USE OF NEGATIVES WITH VERBS. 



1 : 29 ; 1 Thess. 2:8. /xovov is found with the Infinitive 

only in Gal. 4 : 18. It is perhaps as a fixed phrase, unaffected 
by the Infinitive, that eh ovOev limits Xoyio-OrjvaL in Acts 19 : 27. 

482. A compound of ov may occur with an Infinitive depend- 
ent on a principal verb limited by ov, in accordance with the 
principle of 488. 

John 5:30; ov 8uva/xai eyaj 7roteiv air i/mavTov ovSiv, I can of myself 
do nothing. See also Mark 7:12; Luke 20:40; John 3:27, etc. 
Probably Acts 26 : 26 should be translated, / am not persuaded (i.e. 
/ cannot believe) that any of these things was hidden from him. B. p. 
350. 

483. The Infinitive after verbs of hindering, denying, etc., 
may take fxrj without change of meaning. Such a negative 
cannot be translated into English. HA. 1029 ; G. 1615. 

Acts 14 : 18 ; kol ravra Aeyovres (jl6Xl<; KaTeiravcrav tovs 6'xA.ov? tov 
fir] OveLv avrolq, and with these sayings scarce restrained they the 
multitudes from doing sacrifice unto them. See also under 402. 

484. In classical Greek, an Infinitive which would regularly 
take fMrj, usually takes fxr] ov when it depends on a verb which 
is itself negatived by ov. HA. 1034 ; G. 1616. 

In the New Testament, the simple negative firj is retained 
in such a case. 

Acts 4 : 20 ; ov Swa/xe#a yap ^/xet? a et'Sa/xev kol rjKOvaafxev fir) XaXuv, 

for we cannot but speak the things which we saw and heard. 

485. In classical Greek, the participle takes fxy if it is 
equivalent to a conditional, or conditional relative clause ; 
otherwise it takes ov. HA. 1025; G. 1612; Gild. u.s. (465, 
Kern.) pp. 55 ff. 

In the New Testament, participles in all relations usually 
take /Arj as the negative. But participles not conditional in 



SUCCESSIVE AND DOUBLE NEGATIVES. 



185 



force occasionally take ov, there being in all some seventeen 
instances in the New Testament. 

Acts 13 : 28 ; koX /^Se/xi'av alriav Oavdrov evpovres rjTrjaavTO HeiXarov 
dvaLpeOrjvai avrov, and though they found no cause of death in him, 
yet asked they of Pilate that he should he slain. 

Luke 12 : 33 ; 7roi>yo"are kavrols /3aXXdvTLa fxrj TraXaiovjxeva, make for 
yourself purses which wax not old. 

John 5 : 23 ; 6 fxr] Tifxtov rbv vlov ov rt/xa rov 7rarepa, he that honoreth 
not the Son honoreth not the Father. 

Matt. 22 : 11 ; uhev exet d.v6po)7rov ovk ivSeSvp.evov evSvpia ya/xov, he 
saw there a man which had not on a wedding-garment. 

Acts 17 : 6 ; fir] ev/jovres Se avrov? ecrvpov 'Iacrova /cat riras d$eX<f>ovs kiii 
rous TroXtra/oXa?, and not finding them they dragged Jason and certain 
brethren before the rulers of the city. See also Matt. 22 : 29 ; Luke 
6 : 42 ; 9 : 33 ; John 10 : 12 ; Acts 7:5; 13 : 28 ; 26 : 22 ; Gal. 4 : 8. 

SUCCESSIVE AND DOUBLE NEGATIVES. 

486. When two simple negatives not constituting a double 
negative, or a compound negative followed by a simple nega- 
tive, occur in the same clause, each has its own independent 
force. The same is also true of course when the negatives 
occur in successive clauses. HA. 1031 ; G. 1618. 

1 Cor. 12:15; ov Trapa tovto ovk Zo~tlv Ik tov awp,aTo<s, it is not 
therefore not of the body. See also 1 John 3 : 10 ; 5:12. 

Matt. 10 : 26 ; ovSev ydp iariv KCKaAuyu/xeVov o ovk dTroKaXv^OrjO-tTaL, 
for there is nothing covered, that shall not be revealed. See also 
1 John 2 : 21. 

Rem. Concerning /xtj ov in questions, see 468. 

487. The double negative ou fxy is used with the Subjunc- 
tive, and more rarely with the Future Indicative, in emphatic 
negative assertions referring to the future. Cf. 172, 66. HA. 
1032 ; G. 1360, 1361. 



186 



THE USE OF NEGATIVES "WITH VEEBS. 



Mark 13 : 2 ; ov fxrj a<f>e6rj coSe XlOos eVi XlOov os ov /at) KaraXvOfj, 

there shall not be left here one stone upon another, which shall not be 
thrown down. 

Rev. 2:11; 6 vlkwv ov /xr) a&LKiqOrj Ik tov Oa.vd.Tov rov Sevrepov, he 

that overcometh shall not be hurt of the second death. 
Rev. 7 : 16 ; ov -n-eLvdo-ovo-Lv ctx ovSk hixprjcrovo-Lv en, ov'Se fir) irio-g eV 
clvtovs 6 rjXtos, they shall hunger no more, neither thirst any more, 
neither shall the sun strike upon them at all. On Matt. 25 : 9 see 
475, Rem. 1. 

488. Ov fxrj is occasionally used with the Subjunctive or 
Future Indicative expressing a prohibition. Cf. 167, 67, 
Kern. 2. 

489. When a negative is followed by one or more similar 
compound negatives or by the double negative ov ix-q the effect 
is a strengthened negation. HA. 1030 ; G. 1619. 

Luke 23 : 53 ; oil ovk rjv ov&eis ouVco Ket]uevos, where never man had yet 
lain. 

Heb. 13 : 5 ; ov fxr} ere dvco ovo ov fir} are ey/<aTaA.i7rco, / will in no wise 

fail thee, neither will I in any wise forsake thee. 
Rom. 13:8; pvqhevl jA-n&ev ocfjecXcTe, owe no man anything. 



INDEX OF SUBJECTS. 



[The Numbers rej 

Adjective Participle, 420-433, see 
under Participle. 

Adjectives of ability, fitness, readi- 
ness, etc., followed by clause with 
iva, 216 ; followed by Infinitive, 
376 ; followed by els with the ar- 
ticular Infinitive, 413. 

Adverbial Participle, 434-455, see 
under Participle. 

Adverbs, limited by Infinitive, 376. 

Aoristic Present, 13 ; Aoristic Fut- 
ure, 59, 62 ; Aoristic Perfect, 80. 

Aorist : constant characteristic, 35 ; 
Indefinite, Inceptive, Resultative, 
35, 37. 

Indicative : Historical, 38 ; mo- 
mentary, comprehensive, collec- 
tive, 39, 40, 54 ; Inceptive, 41 ; 
Resultative, 42, 87 ; Gnomic, 43 ; 
Epistolary, 44 ; Dramatic, 45 ; for 
English Perfect, 46, 52, 54 ; with 
force of Greek Perfect, 47 ; for 
English Pluperfect, 48, 52-54 ; in 
indirect discourse, 49 ; used pro- 
leptically, 50 ; in condition con- 
trary to fact, 248 ; in apodosis of 
such condition, 248, 249 ; with &v 
in past general supposition, 26, 
315 ; expressing an unattained 
wish, 27 ; English equivalents, 52, 
53 ; distinction between Aorist 
and Imperfect, 56, 57 ; between 
Aorist and Perfect, 86, 87. 

Dependent Moods, 98 ; Sub- 
junctive in prohibitions, 162-164, 



er to Sections.] 

166, 167 ; Optative in indirect dis- 
course, 110, 111 ; Imperative in 
commands and prohibitions, 163, 
184 ; Infinitive after prepositions, 
104-109 ; Infinitive after verbs 
signifying to hope, etc., 113; In- 
finitive in indirect discourse, 110, 
114. 

Participle: properly expresses 
not time but action conceived of 
as a simple event, 132, 133 ; used 
of antecedent action, 134-138 ; of 
identical action, 139-141 ; of sub- 
sequent action, 142-145 ; as inte- 
gral part of the object of a verb 
of perception, 146 ; with \avdavu, 
147 ; leaving time-relation unde- 
fined, 148 ; denoting action in 
general simultaneous with that 
of principal verb, 149 ; with the 
article, equivalent to relative 
clause with verb in Indicative or 
Subjunctive, 135, 144, 150, 151. 
Apodosis : defined, 238 ; force and 
form of, after simple present and 
past particular suppositions, 242, 
243 ; after supposition contrary to 
fact, 248, 249 ; after future sup- 
position more probable, 250, 263 ; 
after (implied) future supposition 
with less probability, 259 ; after 
present general supposition, 260, 
263 ; after past general supposi- 
tion, 265 ; may have two protases, 
268 ; may be omitted, 271 ; its 



188 



INDEX OF SUBJECTS. 



verb may be omitted, 273 ; im- I 
plied in the protasis, 276 ; after , 
concessive protasis, 278. 
Article with the participle, position 
of, 427. 

Attendant circumstance expressed 
by participle, 449, 119, 145. 

Attributive Participle, 421-428, see 
under Participle ; cf. 419, Rem. 1. 

Causal clauses, 228-232 ; other 
methods of expressing causal re- 
lations, 233 ; negatives in, 474. 

Circumstantial Participle, see 419, 
Rem. 1. 

Commands: expressed by Future 
Indicative, 67 ; by Subjunctive, 
162-161, 166, 167 ; by Imperative, 
180 ; by Infinitive, 364 ; negatived 
by iiT), 478 ; apparently negatived I 
by ov, 479 ; negatived by ov ix-q. 
488 ; indirectly quoted, 204. 

Complete and completed, sense of 
as grammatical terms, 85. 

Conative tenses : Present Indicative, | 
11 ; Imperfect Indicative, 23 ; 1 
Present Participle, 129. 

Concessive clauses, 278-288 : general 
definition, 278 ; particles intro- 
ducing, 279-282 ; use of moods 
and tenses, 283 ; various classes, | 
284-287 ; English translation, 288 ; 
participle equivalent to, 437. 

Conditional sentences, 238-277 ; j 
definition, 238 ; express particular 
or general supposition, 239, 240 ; 
classification, 241 ; six classes, 
242-265 ; peculiarities of, 266-277 ; 
negatives in conditional clauses, 
469, 475. See also Conditional 
Relative sentences, under Relative 
clauses. 

Consecutive clauses, 234-236 ; see 

also Result. 
Definite Relative clauses, see under 

Relative clauses. 



Deliberative Future, 70. 
Deliberative Subjunctive, 168 ; in 

relative clauses, 319. 
Dependent moods, enumerated, 3 ; 

term not strictly applicable, 3, 

Rem. 

Direct Quotations, 334, 335 ; intro- 
duced by on, 315 ; frequent in 
New Testament, 345. 

Dramatic Aorist, 45. 

English Equivalents of Greek Aorist 
Indicative, 52, 53. 

English tenses, three-fold function, 
354. 

Epistolary Aorist, 44. 

Exhortations, expressed by the Sub- 
junctive, 160-162 ; by the Impera- 
tive, 180. 

Exegetical grammar, scope and re- 
lation to historical grammar, 2. 

Explanatory relative clauses, 295. 

Final clauses (pure), 197-199. For 
relative clauses of purpose, see 
Relative clauses. 

Final Particles, 190 ; clauses intro- 
duced by, 188 ; general usage of 
such clauses, 189 ; usage of several 
particles in detail, 191-195. 

Form and function distinguished, 1. 

Future : 

Indicative : Predictive, 58-66 ; 
Aoristic, 59 ; Progressive, 60 ; 
value and significance of these 
distinctions, 61-64 ; assertive and 
promissory force, 65 ; with ov ft-fj, 
66 ; Imperative Future, 67 ; in 
third person, 68 ; Gnomic, 69 ; 
Deliberative, 70 ; periphrastic 
forms, 71, 72 ; in final clauses and 
clauses introduced by final par- 
ticles, 198, 199, 205, 211, 215, 
218, 224, Rem. 2 ; in conditional 
clauses, 246, 254, 255 ; with el by 
Hebraism with the force of an 
oath, 272 ; with el expressing an 



INDEX OF 

object of desire, 276 ; in con- 
cessive clauses referring to the 
future, 285 (a) ; in conditional 
relative clauses, 308 ; in rela- 
tive clauses of purpose, 317 ; in 
complementary relative clauses, 
318; in relative clauses intro- 
duced by axpt-, 332 ; negatives 
with Future Indicative, 465, 466. 

Dependent moods, 99 ; peri- 
phrastic form made from /xeXXeiv, 
100. 

Participle : represents action 
relatively future, 152 ; of later 
origin than other participles, 152, 
Kem. ; periphrastic form made 
from /jl£XXuv and Infinitive, 153. 

Future Perfect Indicative, in New 
Testament only in periphrastic 
form, 93, 94. 

General and particular suppositions : 
expressed, 239, 240 ; implied in 
relative clause, 298, 299. 

General Present : Indicative, 12 ; 
Participle, 123-126. 

Genitive absolute, 452-454. 

Gnomic tenses : Present, 12 ; Aorist, 
43'; Future, 69 ; Perfect, 79. 

Grammar, relation of, to interpreta- 
tion, 2. 

Hebraisms in the New Testament : 
Ei with Future Indicative with 
force of an emphatic assertion, 
272 ; clause or Infinitive as sub- 
ject of eyevero, 357 ; Infinitive 
defining content of action of a 
previous verb or noun, 375 ; in- 
tensive participle, 448. 

Historical grammar, relation to 
exegetical grammar, 2. 

Historical Present, 14 ; Historical 
Aorist, 38 ; Historical Perfect, 
78. 

Hortatory Subjunctive, 160, 161 ; 
introduced by wVre, 237. 



SUBJECTS. 189 

Imperative : in commands and ex- 
hortations, 180 ; in entreaties and 
petitions, 181 ; expressing con- 
sent or hypothesis, 182, 183 ; force 
of tenses, 184, 163, 165 ; intro- 
duced by wo-re, 237 ; negative of, 
478, 479. 

Imperative Future, 67. 

Imperfect Indicative : Progressive, 
21, 22 ; Conative, 23 ; of repeated 
action, 24 ; expressing an unat- 
tained wish, 27 ; translated by 
English Perfect, 28 ; translated by 
English Pluperfect, 29 ; Imper- 
fect of verbs of obligation, etc., 
30-32 ; of verbs of wishing, 33 ; 
in condition contrary to fact, 248 ; 
in apodosis of such condition, 248, 
249 ; with av in conditional rela- 
tive clauses, past general suppo- 
sition, 315 ; in indirect discourse 
for Present Indicative, 348 ; peri- 
phrastic form, 34 ; distinction 
between Imperfect and Aorist, 56, 
57. 

Inceptive Aorist, 35, 37 ; Indicative, 
41 ; dependent moods, 98 ; parti- 
ciple, 137. 

Indefinite Aorist, 35, 98. 

Indicative : 

In principal clauses : in un- 
qualified assertions, etc., 157 ; in 
qualified assertions, 158, 159. 

In subordinate clauses : in final 
clauses and clauses introduced by 
final particles, 198, 199, 205, 211, 
215, 224, Kem. 2, 227 ; in clauses 
of cause , 229, 230 ; in clauses of 
result, 235, 236 ; in conditional 
clauses, 242, 248, 254-256, 261 ; in 
concessive clauses, 284, 285 («) ; 
in definite relative clauses, 293, 
294 ; in conditional relative 
clauses, 301, 308, 309, 313; with 
av, 315 ; in relative clauses of pur- 



190 INDEX OF 

pose, 317-819 ; in relative clauses 
introduced by eus, etc., 326-332 ; 
as logical subject of eytvero, 357- 
360. 

Negatives with Indicative, 465- 
471. 

Indirect Discourse, 334-356 ; defini- 
tion, 334, 337 ; various methods 
of expressing, 339, 340 ; classical 
usage, 341, 342, 347-350 ; New 
Testament usage, 343-350 ; Eng- 
lish usage compared with Greek, 
351-356 ; Infinitive in, 390 ; par- 
ticiple in, 460 ; conditional clauses 
in, 258; conditional relative clauses 
in, 305 ; negatives in, 473. 

Indirect object, expressed by clause 
introduced by LVa, 217 ; by In- 
finitive, 368 ; by articular Infini- 
tive after eZs, 410. 

Indirect Questions, how introduced 
in Greek, 340; after qw, etc., 
346 ; introduced by Sorts, 349 ; 
by simple relatives, 350. 

Infinitive : origin and stages of de- 
velopment, 361 ; classification of 
uses, 362, 363 ; negatives used 
with it, 480-484. 

Constructions without the arti- 
cle : with imperative force, 864, 
365 ; expressing purpose, 366, 
367 ; as indirect object, 368 ; ex- 
pressing result, 369-372 ; defining 
content of action of a previous 
verb or noun, 375; limiting ad- 
jectives and adverbs, 376, 377 ; 
limiting nouns, 378, 379 ; after 
irplv or irpiv rj, 380-382 ; used ab- 
solutely, 383 ; as subject, 384, 
385, 390, 357, 360 ; as appositive, 
386 ; as object, 387-391, 202, 210 ; 
in indirect discourse, 390 ; force of 
the tenses in indirect discourse, 
110, 112-114 ; without article after 
prepositions, 174. 



SUBJECTS. 

Constructions with the article : 
general effect of prefixing the 
article, 392 ; as subject, 393 ; as 
object, 394 ; in apposition, 395 ; 
with rip expressing cause, 396 ; 
with tov expressing purpose, 397 ; 
with tov expressing result, 398 ; 
with tov after adjectives, 399 ; 
with tov after nouns, 400 ; with 
tov after verbs that take the geni- 
tive, 401-403 ; with tov as subject 
or object, 404, 405 ; governed by 
prepositions, 406 ; various prepo- 
sitions used with it and their 
force, 407-416 ; force of tense, 
104-109. 

Intensive Perfect : Indicative, ,77 ; 
dependent moods, 102. 

Interpretation, relation of, to gram- 
mar, 2. 

Latin tenses, two-fold function, 354. 

Moods : enumeration of, 3 ; in prin- 
cipal clauses, 157-184 ; finite 
moods in subordinate clauses, see 
Indicative, Subjunctive, etc., or 
Contents, §§ 185-360. 

Negatives, 464-489 : classical and 
New Testament use in general, 
464 ; with the Indicative, 465- 
474 ; with the Subjunctive, 475 ; 
with the Optative ; 476, 477 ; with 
the Imperative, 478, 479 ; with 
the Infinitive, 480-484 ; with 
participles, 485 ; successive and 
double negatives, 486-489, 468; 
compound negatives, 464, 486, 
489. 

Object clauses : classification, 186 ; 
after verbs of exhorting, 200-204 ; 
after verbs of striving, etc., 205- 
210 ; after verbs of fear and 
danger, 224-227 ; in indirect dis- 
course, 334, 339-350. 

Optative, infrequent in New Testa- 
ment, 174. 



INDEX OF 

In principal clauses : of wishing, 
175-177 ; Potential, 178, 179. 

In subordinate clauses : in ob- 
ject clauses after verb of exhort- 
ing, 200, Rem.; in conditional 
clauses, future supposition more 
probable, in indirect discourse, 
258 ; in conditional clauses, future 
supposition less probable, 259 ; 
with el expressing an object of 
desire, 276. 

Negatives with Optative, 476, 
477. 

Participle : general nature, 115, 418 ; 
grammatical agreement, 116. 

Tenses : general significance, 
118 ; use of each tense in detail, 
see Present, Aorist, Future, Per- 
fect, or Contents, §§ 119-156. 

Classification respecting logical 
force, 419. 

Adjective Participle: defined, 
420 ; restrictive attributive parti- 
ciple, 422 ; with subject omitted, 
423, 433 ; with the article after 
noun without the article, 424 ; 
neuter participle for abstract 
noun, 425 ; explanatory attribu- 
tive participle, 426 ; attributive 
participle conveying subsidiary 
idea of cause, etc., 428 ; predicate 
adjective participle, 429 ; its posi- 
tion, 430 ; forming periphrastic 
verbs, 431 ; possible explanations 
of participle in the predicate, 432. 

Adverbial Participle : defined, 
434 ; temporal, 435 ; conditional, 
436 ; concessive, 437, 438 ; causal, 
439 ; causal with cJs, 440, 441 ; of 
purpose, 442 ; of means, 443 ; 
of manner, 444 ; manner ex- 
pressed by ws with participle, 445, 
446 ; participle of manner or 
means denoting same action as 
that of the verb, 447 ; Hebraistic 



SUBJECTS. 191 

use of the participle with intensive 
force, 448 ; participle of attendant 
circumstance, 449,450 ; more than 
one relation expressed by one 
participle, 451 ; genitive absolute, 
452-454 ; position of adverbial 
participle, 455. 

Substantive Participle : defined, 
456 ; as subject, 457 ; as object, 
458-460 ; in indirect discourse, 
460 ; as a limiting genitive, 461 ; 
its position, 462 ; distinction from 
adjective participle used substan- 
tively, 463. 

Negatives with participle, 485. 
Particular and general conditions : 
expressed, 239, 240 ; implied in 
relative clause, 298, 299. 
Perfect : 

Indicative : of completed action, 
74, 76, 85; of existing state, 75, 
76 ; Intensive, 77 ; Historical, 78 ; 
Gnomic, 79 ; Aoristic, 80, 88 ; in 
indirect discourse, 81 ; of a past 
event thought of as separated 
from the moment of speaking 
(incapable of adequate English 
translation), 82; used prolepti- 
cally, 50 ; periphrastic form, 84 ; 
distinction between Perfect and 
Aorist, 86, 87. 

Dependent moods : denoting 
completed action, or existing re- 
sult, 101 ; Intensive, 102 ; peri- 
phrastic form, 103 ; Infinitive 
after prepositions, 104, 105, 107, 
108 ; Optative not found in New 
Testament, 111; Infinitive in in- 
direct discourse, 110, 112. 

Participle : of completed action 
or existing state, 154 ; periphrastic 
form, 155 ; for a Pluperfect, 156. 
Periphrastic forms: in general, 20, 
431 ; Present Indicative, 20 ; Im- 
perfect, 34 ; Future Indicative, 71, 



192 INDEX OF 

72; Perfect Indicative, 84; Plu- 
perfect, 91 ; Future Perfect, 94 ; 
Present Infinitive and Imperative, 
97 ; Perfect Subjunctive and Im- 
perative, 103 ; Future Participle, 
153 ; Perfect Participle, 155. 

Pluperfect Indicative : of completed 
action, 89 ; of existing state, 90, 
92 ; periphrastic form, 91 ; in in- 
direct discourse for Perfect, 348. 

Potential Optative: force of, 178, 
179 ; negatives with, 476. 

Predicative Participle, 429-432, see 
under Participle. 

Predictive Future, 58. 

Present : 

Indicative : most constant char- 
acteristic of, 9 ; Progressive, 8, 
10, 11 ; Conative, 11 ; General or 
Gnomic, 12 ; Aoristic, 13 ; His- 
torical, 14 ; used for Future, 15 ; 
ijKU), Tr&pei/ju, etc., 16 ; of past 
action still in progress, 17 ; in in- 
direct discourse, 19 ; periphrastic 
forms, 20 ; in pure final clauses, 
198 ; in an appositive clause, 213, 
Eem. ; in conditional clauses, pres- 
ent particular supposition, 242, 
future supposition, 256, present 
general supposition, 261 ; in con- 
cessive clauses, 284 ; in condi- 
tional relative clauses, present 
particular supposition, 301, future 
supposition, 309, present general 
supposition, 313 ; after ews and 
referring to the future, 326 ; after 
ews and referring to the present, 
328. 

Dependent moods, 96 ; peri- 
phrastic form, 97 ; Infinitive after 
prepositions, 104, 106-109 ; Opta- 
tive and Infinitive in indirect dis- 
course, 110-112. 

Participle : of simultaneous 
action, 119; of identical action, 



SUBJECTS. 

120-122 ; General, 123-126 ; for 
the Imperfect, 127 ; Conative, 129 ; 
for the Future, 130 ; of action 
still in progress, 131. 
Primary and Secondary tenses, 4. 
Progressive tenses : 

Indicative : Present, 8-11 ; Im- 
perfect, 21-23 ; Future, 60. 

Dependent moods : Present, 96. 
Participle : Present, 119-122, 
127-131. 

Prohibitions, expressed by Aorist 
Subjunctive or Present (rarely 
Aorist) Imperative, 163 ; by Aorist 
Subjunctive, 162-164, 166, 167 ; 
by Present Imperative, 165, 184. 

Prohibitory Future Indicative, 67, 
Rem. 2. 

Prohibitory Subjunctive, 162-164, 
166, 167 ; used only in Aorist, 
163 ; force of tense, 164. 

Promissory Future, 65. 

Protasis : defined,. 238 ; force and 
form of, in simple present and 
past particular supposition, 242- 
247 ; in supposition contrary to 
fact, 248 ; in future supposition 
more probable, 250-258, 263 ; in fu- 
ture supposition less probable, 259 ; 
in present general supposition, 
260-262, 264 ; in past general sup- 
position, 265 ; joined to an 
apodosis of a different form, 267 ; 
two protases with one apodosis, 
268 ; substitutes for, 269 ; omitted, 
270 ; equivalent to an oath, 272 ; 
its verb omitted, 273 ; containing 
an apodosis, 276 ; after expressions 
of wonder has the force of Srt 
clause, 277 ; concessive protases, 
278 ; participle equivalent to pro- 
tasis, 436, 437. 

Purpose, expressed by clause intro- 
duced by I'm, 197-199 ; by rela- 
tive clause, 317 ; by Infinitive 



INDEX OF 

without the article, 366 ; by In- 
finitive with wVre, 370(d), 371(d); 
by Infinitive with w's, 372 ; by In- 
finitive with rod, 397 ; by articular 
Infinitive after els, 409 ; after wpos, 
414. 

Questions : various classes of, 169 ; 
negatives with, 467, 468. See 
also Indirect Questions. 
Relative clauses : classification, 289- 
291 ; distinction between definite 
and indefinite relative clauses, 
289, 290. 

Definite Relative clauses : in- 
troduced by relative pronouns and 
adverbs, 292 ; use of moods and 
tenses, 293 ; may imply relation 
of cause, result, or concession, 
294 ; classified as restrictive and 
explanatory, 295 ; conditional in 
form, 316. 

Conditional Relative sentences : 
defined, 289, 290, 296 ; imply par- 
ticular or general supposition, 298, 
299 ; six classes, 300-315 ; clauses 
conditional in form but definite 
in thought, 316 ; introduced by 
Zws, 329. 

Relative clauses expressing pur- 
pose, 317-319. 

Relative clauses introduced by 
words meaning until, etc., 321- 
333 ; introduced by ews, and re- 
ferring to the future, 322, 323, 
325, 326 ; referring to what was in 
past time a future contingency, 
324, 326 ; referring to a past fact, 
327 ; referring to a contemporane- 
ous event, 328 ; introduced by eus 
ov or ews otov, 330 ; introduced by 
&xpt, a-xpt ov, etc., 331, 332 ; intro- 
duced by irpLv, 333. 

Negatives in relative clauses, 
469, 470, 474. 
Restrictive Relative clauses, 295. 



SUBJECTS. 193 

Result : several conceptions of, 370 ; 
methods of expressing, 371 ; actual 
result expressed by ware with In- 
finitive or Indicative, 235, 236, 
369, 370 (a) (b), 371 (a) (&); by 
articular Infinitive with els, 411 ; 
conceived result expressed by 
clause introduced by iva, 218, 219, 
cf . 222 ; by Infinitive usually with 
wVre, 369, 370 (c), 371 (c) ; by 
Infinitive with rod, 398 ; by artic- 
ular Infinitive with els, 411 ; in- 
tended result (purpose), 370 (d), 
371 (d). 

Resultative Aorist, 35, 37, 42, 87. 

Shall and will in translating the 
Greek Future, 65. 

Subjunctive : 

In principal clauses : Hortatory, 
160, 161 ; with dcpes or Sevpo pre- 
fixed, 161 ; Prohibitory, 162-164, 
166, 167 ; Deliberative, 168-171 ; 
with 0e\eis etc. prefixed, 171 ; in 
negative assertions referring to 
the future, 172, 173. 

In subordinate clauses : in pure 
final clauses, 197 ; in object 
clauses after verbs of exhorting, 
etc., 200; after 6t\w, 203; in 
clauses after verbs of striving, 
etc., 205-207. 209; in subject, 
predicate, and appositive clauses 
introduced by iva, 211-214 ; in 
complementary and epexegetic 
clauses introduced by iva, 215- 
217 ; in clauses of conceived re- 
sult introduced by iva, 218-220 ; 
in object clauses after verbs of 
fear and danger (expressed), 224 ; 
(implied), 225; after edv in con- 
ditional clauses, future supposi- 
tion, 250 ; after el in conditional 
clauses, future supposition, 252, 
253 ; with el, expressing an object 
of desire, 276 ; changed to Opta- 



194 INDEX OF 

tive in indirect discourse, 258 ; 
after edv in conditional clauses, 
present general supposition, 260 ; 
in concessive clauses referring to 
the future, 285 (6) ; in conditional 
relative clauses, future supposi- 
tion (with &v or edv), 303, 304; 
(without &v), 307; retained in 
indirect discourse, 305 ; in condi- 
tional relative clauses, present gen- 
eral supposition (with dv), 312; 
in complementary relative clauses, 
318, 319 ; after e'ws [&p% 322-325 ; 
after ews ofi or ius 6tov, 330 ; after 
&XP L > ^XPh etc., 331 ; after irpiv, 
333. 

Negatives with Subjunctive, 475. 
Subordinate clauses classified, 186, 
187. 

Suppositions : distinction between 
particular and general, 239, 240, 
257 ; implied in relative clause, 
289, 290, 296, 297 ; particular and 
general, 298, 299 ; expressed by 
an Imperative, 182, 183 ; ex- 
pressed by a participle, 428, 436. 

Substantive Participle, 456-463, see 
under Participle. 

Supplementary Participle, see 419, 
Kem. 1. 



SUBJECTS. 

Tenses: enumeration of, 4 ; primary 
and secondary, 4 ; two-fold func- 
tion of, 5 ; chief function, 5, Rem. ; 
interchange of, apparent, not real, 
15, Rem. 

In Indicative Mood: general 
significance, 6 ; two-fold function, 
5 ; denote time relative to that of 
speaking, 7 ; apparent exceptions, 
7 ; use of each tense in detail, 
8-94 (see Present, Imperfect, 
Aorist, etc.). 

In Dependent Moods : general 
significance, 95 ; use of each tense 
in detail, 96-114 ; tenses of the 
Infinitive after prepositions, 104- 
109 ; of the Infinitive in indirect 
discourse, 110-114. 

Of the Participle : general sig- 
nificance, 118; use of each tense 
in detail (see Present, Aorist, 
Future, Perfect). 
Will and shall in translating the 

Greek Future, 65. 
Wishes: expressed by Optative, 175- 
177 ; by the Future Indicative, 27, 
Rem. 2 ; unattainable, expressed 
by the Imperfect or Aorist In- 
dicative, 27. 



INDEX OF GREEK WORDS. 



[The Numbers refer to Sections. 



A/coifo, Present with force of Per- 
fect, 16. 
'Av: 

With Indicative : with Imper- 
fect and Aorist to denote a cus- 
tomary past action, 26 ; in past 
general supposition, 315 ; in apodo- 
sis of condition contrary to fact, 
248 ; omitted in such apodosis, 31, 
249 ; cases in which it is not to be 
regarded as having been omitted, 
30 (cf. 32, 33) ; with Future In- 
dicative in future supposition, 
308 ; with Present Indicative in 
future supposition, 309. 

With Subjunctive : in condi- 
tional relative clauses, implying 
future supposition, 303 ; implying 
present general supposition, 312 ; 
relative clauses introduced by 
e'u>s, 322 ; after &%Ph 332 ; after 
Swus in final clauses, 195 ; for idv 
in conditional clauses, 250. 

With Potential Optative, 178, 
179. 

With Infinitive, 372. 

In definite relative clauses con- 
ditional in form, 316 ; retained 
in indirect discourse with Sub- 
junctive retained unchanged, 305 ; 
omitted when Subjunctive is 
changed to Optative, 344, Rem. 1. 
'AvtL with toG and the Infinitive, 
406, 407. 

'Awtdavov with force of Perfect, 47. | 

195 



'A<pes and &0eTe prefixed to Horta- 
tory Subjunctive, 161. 
'A X Ph 331, 332. 

Bov\e<rde prefixed to Deliberative 

Subjunctive, 171. 
Teyova, Aoristic Perfect in Matthew 

(Mark ?) only, 88. 
Aevpo or devre prefixed to Hortatory 

Subjunctive, 161. 
Aid with to and the Infinitive, 108, 

406-408. 
Alotl as a causal particle, 228. 
Ao/cet with Infinitive as subject, 385. 
'Edv: 

Conditional : with Present Indic- 
ative in present particular sup- 
position, 247 ; with Puture In- 
dicative in future supposition, 
254 ; with Subjunctive in future 
supposition, 250 ; in present gen- 
eral supposition, 260 ; in condi- 
tional relative clauses for av, 304, 
312, Rem. 

Concessive, 279-281, 285 (6). 
'EAj/ /ecu, concessive, 279, 280,285 (6), 

287 ; conditional, 282. 
'Ej3ov\6/jLT)v without dv, 33. 
' Ey evero 84, construction after, 357- 
360. 

"Eyvwv with force of Perfect, 47. 
"Edei with Infinitive denoting pres- 
ent obligation, 32. 



Conditional : 
past tense of 



with present or 
the Indicative, in 



196 



INDEX OF GREEK WORDS. 



simple present or past particular 
supposition, 242, 243 ; with Pres- 
ent Indicative in future supposi- 
tion, 256; with Present Indicative 
in present general supposition, 
261 ; with a past tense of the 
Indicative in condition contrary 
to fact, 248 ; with Future Indica- 
tive in supposition referring to 
present intention, etc., 246 ; with 
Future Indicative in future sup- 
position, 254, 255 ; with Future 
Indicative with the force of an 
oath, 272 ; with the Subjunctive 
in future supposition, 252, 253 ; 
with the Optative in indirect dis- 
course for edv with Subjunctive 
or ei with the Indicative of the 
direct discourse, 258 ; with the 
Optative in future supposition 
less probable, 259 ; with Sub- 
junctive, Optative, or Future In- 
dicative expressing an object of 
desire, 276 ; after expressions 
of wonder with nearly the force 
of 6'rt, 277. 

Concessive, 279-281 ; with a 
present or past tense of the In- 
dicative, 284 ; with Future Indic- 
ative, 285. 

Interrogative, in indirect ques- 
tions, 340. 
Et 8e and ei 8e firjye used elliptically, 
275. 

Et /ecu concessive, 279, 280, 281, Rem., 
288 ; conditional, 282, 286. 

Et yu.77 without dependent verb, mean- 
ing except, 274, 471. 

EWe in unattainable wishes, 27, 
Rem. 1. 

Ei\r)(pa as Aoristic Perfect, 88. 

Et>t used in the formation of peri- 
phrastic verb-forms, 20, 34, 71, 
84, 91, 97, 103, 155, 431. 

E'LprjKa as Aoristic Perfect, 88. 



Els with to and the Infinitive, 107, 
406, 407, 409-413. 

"E/xeXXov with the Infinitive, 73. 

'Ev with T(f and the Infinitive, 109, 
406, 407, 415. 

"Evenev with rod and the Infinitive, 
406, 407. 

'E£e<TT7iv with force of Perfect, 47. 

'E7rei, C7rei5?7, eireLbrjivep as causal 
particles, 228. 

"E(xxvK a as Aoristic Perfect, 88. 

'E0' cp as a causal particle, 228. 

"E^w, followed by indirect delibera- 
tive questions, 346 ; by relative 
clause of similar force, 318. 

'EdbpaKa as Aoristic Perfect, 88. 

"Ews : force as a relative adverb, 321 ; 
introducing a clause referring to 
the future, 322, 323, 326, 329 ; in- 
troducing a clause referring to 
what was in past time a future con- 
tingency, 324, 326, 329 ; how trans- 
lated when followed by the Sub- 
junctive, 325 ; introducing a clause 
referring to a past fact, 327 ; in- 
troducing a clause referring to a 
contemporaneous event, 328 ; fol- 
lowed by ov or 6'tou, 330 ; with rod 
and the Infinitive, 406, 407. 

"H, Infinitive after, 374 ; after irplv, 
333, Rem. 2, 381. 

"KdeXov without civ, 33. 

"Hkw, force of Present tense, 16. 

Hvxop.r)v without av, 33. 

QiXeis and deXere prefixed to De- 
liberative Subjunctive, 171. 

"iva : New Testament usage, 191, 221, 
223 ; in pure final clauses, 197- 
199 ; in object clauses after verbs 
of exhorting, etc, 200-203 ; in ob- 
ject clauses after verbs of striving, 
etc., 205, 206 ; in subject, predi- 
cate, and appositive clauses, 211- 
214 ; in complementary and 
epexegetic clauses, 215-217 ; in 



INDEX OF GREEK "WORDS. 



197 



clauses of conceived result, 218, 
219 ; not used to express actual 
result, 222 ; post^classical usage 
in general, 223. 
Kat ye with concessive participle, 
437. 

Kat edv, concessive, 279, 281, 285 

(6); conditional, 282. 
Kat eyevero, construction after, 357- 

360. 

Kat et concessive, 279, 281, 288 ; 

conditional, 282. 
Katxep with concessive participle, 

437. 

Kexpayev, functionally a Present, 78. 
Aavddvw, participle with, 147. 
MeXXw, /j.e\\eu>, etc., with Infinitive, 

72, 73, 100, 153. 
Merd with to and the Infinitive, 105, 

406, 407. 
Mi X Ph 331. 

Mtj as a negative, and its compounds : 
classical and New Testament use 
in general, 464. 

With the Indicative : in ques- 
tions expecting a negative answer, 
467, 468 ; in conditional and con- 
ditional relative clauses, 469 ; in 
causal and relative clauses, 474, 
Rem. 1, 2. 

With the Subjunctive, 475, 162, 
163. 

With the Optative of Wishing, 
476. 

With the Imperative, 478, 163. 

With the Infinitive, 480 ; re- 
dundant after verbs of hindering, 
denying, etc., 402, 483, 484. 

With participles, 485. 
M17 as a final particle : New Testa- 
ment uses, 193 ; in pure final 
clauses, 199 ; in object clauses 
after verbs of striving, 206, 209 ; 
in object clauses after verbs of 
fear and danger, 224-227. 



M77 yivoiTo, 177. 

Mi] ov, in questions, 468 ; after verbs 

of hindering, etc., 484. 
"0<rrts as an interrogative, 349. 
"Owcos, New Testament usage, 192, 

196 ; in pure final clauses, 197, 

199 ; in object clauses after verbs 

of exhorting, 200-202 ; in object 

clauses after verbs of striving, etc., 

205, 207. 
"Ort as a causal particle, 228. 
"Ort introducing indirect quotation, 

339 (a), 343 ; redundant before a 

direct quotation, 345. 
Ov and its compounds : classical and 

New Testament usage in general, 

464. 

With the Indicative : in inde- 
pendent declaratory sentences, 
465 ; with Imperative Future, 466 ; 
in questions expecting an affirma- 
tive answer, 467 ; in conditional, 
conditional relative, and con- 
cessive clauses, 469, 470 ; after ^77 
as a conjunction, 472 ; in indirect 
discourse, 473 ; in causal and 
simple relative clauses, 474. 

With the Subjunctive after pA\ 
as a conjunction, 475. 

With limitations of the Im- 
perative, 479. 

With limitations of the Infini- 
tive, 481 ; compounds of ov with 
an Infinitive depending on a verb 
limited by ov, 482. 

With participles, 485. 
Ov fjL-q, emphatic negative : with Pre- 
dictive Future, 66, 487 ; with the 
Imperative Future, 67, Rem. 2, 
488; with the Prohibitory Sub- 
junctive, 167, 488 ; with the Sub- 
junctive in negative assertions, 
172, 173, 487 ; after another nega- 
tive, 489. 



198 



INDEX OF GREEK WORDS. 



"ChpeXov in expression of wishes, 27, 

Rem. 1, 2. 
ndpeifxi, force of Present tense, 16. 
HeiricFTevKa as Intensive Perfect, 77. 
HeTToLn)Ka as Aoristic Perfect, 88. 
nt-Toida as Intensive Perfect, 77. 
UtirpaKev as Aoristic Perfect, 88. 
v with a finite mood, 333 ; with 

the Infinitive, 380-382. 
Up6 with rod and the Infinitive, 106, 

406, 407. 

IIp6s with to and the Infinitive, 107, 

406, 407, 414. 
Swfo/iei'oi, force of tense, 125. 
T6, rod, tQ, Infinitive with, 392-417. 



"Ttt&pxw used in the formation of 
periphrastic verb-forms, 20. 

'fts : New Testament usage as a final 
particle, 104 ; with the Infinitive 
denoting purpose, 372 ; with a 
causal participle, 440, 441 ; with 
the participle expressing manner, 
445, 446. 

"ficrre : denoting result with Indica- 
tive and Infinitive, 234, 235 ; with 
Indicative, 236, 370 (a), 371 (a) ; 
introducing principal verb, any 
mood, 237 ; with Infinitive denot- 
ing result, 369-371 ; with the In- 
finitive denoting purpose, 367. 



INDEX OF PASSAGES REFERRED TO. 



[The numbers refer to sections. Passages referred to in Remarks are cited 
by the number of the section to which the Remark is appended.] 



I. New Testament Passages. 









SECTION 






SECTION 


Matt. 


1 


18 . . . 


. . 453, 457 


Matt. 5 


41 . . 


. . . . . 308 


Matt. 


1 


19 . . . 


.... 387 


Matt. 5 


42 . . 


. . . . .180 


Matt. 


1 


22 . . . 


. . 222, 223 


Matt. 6 


1 . . 


. 107, 406, 414 


Matt. 


1 


23 . . . 


.... 20 


Matt. 6 


5 . . 


. 231, 232, 466 




?, 


2 . . . 


.... 157 




11 . . 


98 




?, 


3 . . . 


.... 439 










?, 


9 . . . 


. •-. . .326 


Matt. 6 


16 . . 


. . . 231, 457 


Matt. 


2 


10 . . . 


.... 439 






..... 171 














443 


Matt. 


2 


15 . . . 


.... 222 




30 . . 


243 




9, 


20 . . . 


.... 127 






..... 169 


Matt. 


3 


14. . . . 


. . 23, 378 




34 . . 


162 


Matt. 


3 


15 . . . 


. . 384, 429 










3 


17 . . . 


.... 55 


Matt. 7 


4 . . 


161 




4 


2 . . . 


.... 134 


Matt. 7 


6 . . 


199 


Matt. 


4 


3 . . . 


. . 200, 242 




10 . . 


269 




4 


4 . . . 


.... 68 


Matt. 7 


12 . . 


. . . 171, 304 


Matt. 


4 


14 . . . 


.... 222 




13 . . 


124 


Matt, 


5 


•6 . . . 


.... 124 


Matt. 7 


17 . . 


12 


Matt. 


5 


10 . . . 


.... 286 


Matt. 8 


3 . . 


39 


Matt. 


5 


17 . . . 


. . 98, 336 




8 . . 


216 


Matt. 


5 


18 . . . 


. . 172, 322 


Matt. 8 


17 . . 


222 


Matt. 


5 


19 . . . 


. . 303, 310 


Matt. 8 


20 . . 


346 


Matt. 


5 


20 . . . 


.... 250 


Matt. 8 


31 . . 


. . . 182, 256 


Matt. 


5 


21 . . . 


. . 46, 52, 54 


Matt. 8 
















17 . . 


275 


Matt. 


5 


25 . . . 


. . 97, 330 


Matt. 9 • 


20 . . 


131 


Matt. 


5 


28 . . . 


.... 414 


Matt. 9 : 


21 . . 


. . . 250, 257 


Matt. 


5 


29, 30 . . 


. . 214, 256 








Matt. 


5 


39 . . . 


.... 309 


Matt. 9 







199 



200 



INDEX OF PASSAGES REFERRED 



TO, 









SECTION 


Matt. 


10 


1 . . 


. . . . 371 


Matt. 


10 


4 . . 


.... 142 


Matt. 


10 


14 . . 


.... 310 


Matt. 


10 


23 . . 


.... 323 


Matt. 


10 


25 . . 


.... 214 


Matt. 


10 


26 . . 


.... 486 


Matt. 


10 


32 . . 


.... 308 


Matt. 


10 


33 . . 


. . . 307, 308 


Matt. 


10 


37 . . 


. . . 423, 428 


Matt. 


10 


38 . . 


. 313, 428, 469 


Matt. 


10 


39 . . 


.... 428 


Matt. 


10 


40, 41 . 


.... 428 


Matt. 


10 


42 . . 


... 65, 428 


Matt. 


11 


1 . . 


.... 459 


Matt. 


11 


4 . . 


.... 151 


Matt. 


11 


14 . . 


.... 282 


Matt. 


11 


21 . . 


.... 142 


Matt. 


11 


25 . . 


.... 222 


Matt. 


11 


28 . . 


.... 65 


Matt. 


11 


29 . . 


.... 65 


Matt. 


12 


3 . . 


.... 109 


Matt. 


12 


14 . . 


.... 207 


Matt. 


12 


17 . . 


. . . . 222 


Matt. 


12 


18 . . 


.... 55 


Matt. 


12 


20 . . 


.... 322 


Matt. 


12 


31 . . 


.... 65 


Matt. 


13 


5, 6 . . 


.... 108 


Matt. 


13 


12 . . 


. . . . 313 


Matt. 


13 


14 . . 


.... 167 


Matt. 


13 


15 . . 


.... 199 


Matt. 


13 


17 . . 


.... 151 


Matt. 


13 


30 . . 


.... 414 


Matt. 


13 


33 . . 


.... 330 


Matt. 


13 


35 . . 


.... 222 


Matt. 


13 


46 . . 


... 78, 88 


Matt. 


13 


53 . . 


.... 459 


Matt. 


13 


55 . . 


.... 467 


Matt. 


14 


3 . . 


. .' . . 48 


Matt. 


14 


4 . . 


.... 29 


Matt. 


14 


7 . . 


.... 305 


Matt. 


14 


9 . . 


.... 437 


Matt. 


14 


13 . . 


. . . . 218 


Matt. 


14 


36 . . 


.... 200 


Matt. 


15 


2 . . 


.... 312 


Matt. 


15 


6 . . 


... 67, 68 









SECTION 


Matt. 


15 


20 . . . 


... 393 


Matt. 


16 


1 . . . 


. . . 121 


Matt. 


16 


11 . . . 


... 473 


Matt. 


16 


13 . ... 


... 169 


Matt. 


16 


19 . . . 


... 94 


Matt. 


16 


20 . . . 


. . 200, 204 


Matt. 


16 


22 . . . 


. . . 66 


Matt. 


16 


25 . . . 


. . . 310 


Matt. 


16 


26 . . . 


... 66 


Matt. 


16 


27 . . . 


... 72 


Matt. 


16 


35 . . . 


/- . . 66 


Matt. 


17 


5 . . . 


... 55 


Matt. 


17 


8 . . . 


... 471 


Matt. 


18 


4, 5 . . . 


. . . 308 


Matt. 


18 


6 . . . 


. . . 214 


Matt. 


18 


8, 9 . . . 


. . . 256 


Matt. 


18 


10 . . . 


. . . 209 


Matt. 


18 


18 . . . 


. . 94, 431 


Matt. 


18 


: 21 . . . 


. . . 169 


Matt. 


18 


30 . . . 


. . 324, 329 


Matt. 


18 


33 . . . 


... 30 


Matt. 


19 


4 . . . 


... 52 


Matt. 


19 


10 . . . 


. . 243, 264 


Matt. 


19 


14 . . . 


. . 387, 402 


Matt. 


19 


21 . . . 


. . . 269 


Matt. 


19 


27 . . . 


. . . 139 


Matt. 


20 


10 . . . 


. . . 343 


Matt. 


20 


19 . . . 


... 410 


Matt. 


20 


22 . . . 


. .72, 393 


Matt. 


20 


26, 27 . . 


... 68 


Matt. 


21 


4 . . . 


. . 222 


Matt. 


21 


19 . . . 


... 167 


Matt. 


21 


32 . . . 


. . 218, 398 


Matt. 


21 


34 . . . 


... 109 


Matt. 


21 


38 . . . 


... 161 


Matt. 


21 


41 . . . 


... 317 


Matt. 


22 


11 . . . 


. . . 485 


Matt. 


22 


14 . . . 


... 218 


Matt. 


22 


15 . . . 


. . . 207 


Matt. 


22 


23 . . . 


. . 112, 480 


Matt. 


22 


28 . . . 


... 39 


Matt. 


22 


29 . . . 


. / . 485 


Matt. 


23 


2 . . . 


... 55 


Matt. 


23 


12 . . . 


. . . 308 


Matt. 


23 


13 . . . 


... 129 



INDEX 



OF PASSAGES REFERRED TO. 



201 











SECTION 








SECTION 


Matt. 


ZO 


. on 
: zu 




124, 


150 


Matt. 


Zo 


. 1 c 
: 10 


1 Q CO 

. . . lo, 0Z 


Matt. 


OQ 


. OQ 

: zo . 






30 


Matt. 


OS 
Zo 


1 ft 
.15 


10 


Matt. 


OQ 
Zo 


. QQ 

: 66 . 






170 










Matt. 


OA 
Z4 


. A 

: 4 . 




206, 


209 


Mark 


1 
1 


7 


Q7A 


Matt. 


OA 
Z4 


. A 

: D . . 






209 


Mark 


1 


Q 




Matt. 


OA 
Z4 


1 0 
1Z 






108 


Mark 


1 


1 1 




Matt. 


04 
Z4 


. 1 Q 

: lo 






150 


Mark 


1 


1 7 


OAO 


Matt. 


O/l 

Z4 


on 

Zu . 






200 


iviarK 


1 
1 


OO 


/f A K A Ad 


Matt. 


04 
Z4 


00 

zz 






469 


ATo y>1t- 

iviarK 


1 


Ozl 


OOA 


Matt. 


O/l 
Z4 


. OQ 

: Zo . . 






165 


ATo y.lr 

iviarK 


1 
1 


Q1 


-\QA 1 OQ 


at o + 1 


04. 
Z4 


AK 

40 . 






397 


ATo i'lr 

iviarK 


1 


A(\ 


OAQ 


Matt. 


OK. 
ZO 


D 






80 


ATo i.It- 


z 


p. 


1 Q 


ATo f f 


0^ 
Z0 


Q 

o 






8 


ATo fir 

iviarK 


0 
z 


1 A 


Q/1Q 


AT aH 


0C 

zo 


Q 


00K 

. zzo, 


475, 


487 


l\To v*l r 

iviarK 


0 
z 


1 8 


Q/( /I Q 1 


Mo ft 


0^ 
Z0 


1 A 
ID 






150 


Mark 


0 
z 


on 


one Q1A 


AT o + t 


zo 


07 
Z < 






30 


ATo tOt - 

iviarK 


z 


OQ 


°<?n 


ATott 


OR 

zo 


o 

z . 






410 


Mark 


0 
z 


OA 


A1 A 


iviatt. 


OA 


A 

4 . 






210 


ATo t*]r 

iviarK 


z 


Oft 


OQ7 


ATo>t 


OR 


1 K. 
10 






269 


Mark 


Q 


A 


QftT 


ATo++ 

iviait. 


OA 
ZO 


1 7 






171 


ATo \*}r 

iviarK 


Q 

0 


a 


on7 


ATot + 
IVIdLl. 


OA 
ZD 


1 8 






15 


ATo r*l7" 


3 


7 


£.7 


ATo f + 


OA 
ZD 


1 Q 

iy . 






293 


ATo i»Lr 

iviarK 


Q 

0 


1 1 


oon qi k. 


iviati. 


OA 
ZD 


OA 

Z4 




249, 


469 


ATo vlr 

iviarK 


Q 
O 


01 
Z X 


47 

4/ 


l\/f ott 

iviaiL. 


OA 
ZD 


QO 
oZ 






105 


AT 0 yAt 
IVldlK 


Q 


O/L 
Z4 


OAn OAO 
. ZDU, ZDZ 


ATo + <- 


OA 
ZD 


QQ 




279, 285 


ATo vlr 
1V1 ct 1 K. 


Q 
O 


0^ 


OAO 


ATo + t 

iviaii. 


OA 
ZD 


QK. 

oO 


AA 
DD, 


279, 281 


ATo vIt- 

iviarK 


Q 


08 


Qf\A Q1A 


Matt. 


OA 
ZD 


QA 
oD 






325 


ATo •Y^^r 

iviarK 


Q 
O 


OQ 


Q1 A 


AT o + f 


OA . 

ZD : 


AQ 

4o . 






91 


Mark 


A 
4 




AC\fi 


ATo tr- 
ivial u. 


OA . 

ZD : 


40 






310 


ATo -rlr 


■1 


7 


1 ^7 


AT o+ + 


OA . 
ZD 


KO 

OZ 






124 


AT 0 r*lr 

iviarK 


4 


01 


Q4Ci 


AT o + 4- 


OA 
ZD 


04 






169 


Mark 


4 


OQ 


QAft 


ATo + f 

iviaii. 


OA 
ZD 


CA 
OD 






222 


AT 0 vIt- 

ividrK 


4 


Q1 


zLQ7 


Matt. 


07 
Z / 


1 
1 






371 


ATo T.17- 

iviarK 


A 
4 


Q7 




Matt. 


07 
Z / 


4 






139 


ATo Y'l ^ 

iviarK 


4 


QQ 


1 m 


Matt. 


07 . 

z/ : 


Q 

0 




18 


, 52 


ATo y>lr 

iviarK 


0 


A 


inft 4nft 


Matt. 


07 

Z / 


1 7 






171 


Mark 


O 


1 ^ 


1 f^A 


ATo tf 

iviati. 


07 . 

z / : 


on 

ZU 






42 


ATo t»1t* 

iviarK 


0 


1 A 


1 OQ 


Matt. 


27 


oi 
Z 1 






171 


ATo i>l t 

iviarK 


0 


1 ft 


1 ca onn 


Matt. 


27 


Q1 




48, 109 


Mark 


0 


1 q on 
iy, zu . . 


Qc;n 

oOU 


Matt. 


27 


33 . . 




20, 


431 


Mark 


5 


24 . . . 


... 57 


Matt. 


27 


41 . . 






120 


Mark 


5 


25 . . . 


... 131 


Matt. 


27 


43 . . 






75 


Mark 


5 






Matt. 


27 


49 . . 






161 


Mark 


5 


35 . . . 


.... 47 


Matt. 27 


63 . . 






15 


Mark 


5 


36 . . . 


. . . 138 


Matt. 


28 


6 . . 






295 


Mark 


5 


41 . . . 


... 20 



202 



INDEX OF PASSAGES REFERRED TO. 



SECTION 



IVTotIt 

i\iai k 


0 


o 




j>iai k 


a 
D 


Q 


oa- 


Mark 


a 
O 


i a 


Q99 


Mark 


0 


9^ 


171 


Mark 


0 


Q 1 


Qfi8 


Mark 


a 
D 


QJ 


AA(K 


Mark 


0 


Qft 




Mark 


0 




Q98 


Mark 


0 


f^A 


1 fi^ 


Mark 


D 


K(\ 


Q1 ^ 


Mark 


7 


1 9 


J.89 


Mark 


Q 

O 


1 9 




Mark 


Q 
O 


1 9 


979 


AiarK 


Q 

<5 


1 A 


J.8 ^ 


lViarK 


0 


9Q 


141 


Mark 


c 

o 




°.A8 


iviarK 


Q 




'3J.9 


Mark 


Q 


Q 


9AJ. J.71 


Mark 


Q 

y 


1 A 


QQQ 


Mark 


o 

V 


i i 


QAQ 


IV To r>lr" 


Q 

V 


1 9 


91 9 


Mark 


Q 


99 


1 81 


Mark 


Q 

y 


9fi 


Q71 


Mark 


Q 

y 


9ft 


QAQ 


j\iarK 


y 


Q1 


1 ~\ 


Mark 


Q 

y 




9Qfi 


Mark 


1 A 
IU 


1 1 


Q1 9 


1\To v*l r 

jiarK 


i a 

1U 


99 


J.Q9 


Mark 


i a 

IU 


Q9 


QJ 


Mark 


i a 

IU 


QA 


1 71 


Mark 


i a 

IU 


A(\ 


9fi8 


Mark 


i a 

IU 


AQ 


9Qfi 


Mark 


i a 


^1 


1 71 


Mark 


1 1 


1 Q 


97fi 


Mark 


1 1 
ii 


1 A 


1 7fi J.7fi 


Mark 


1 1 


1 A 


91 A 


Mark 


1 1 


1 8 


9A7 


Mark 


11 


1 Q 




Mark 


11 


23 


. . . . 310 


Mark 


11 


24 


. . . . 269 


Mark 


11 


25 , , 


. . . . 309 


Mark 


11 


27 . . 


. . . . 14 


Mark 


11 


28 


216, 220 


Mark 


11 


31 . , 


. . . . 65 


Mark 


12 


7 


... 161 









SECTION 


Mark 


12 


12 


.... 387 


Mark 


12 


18 


.... 390 


Mark 


12 


33 


... 96, 393 


Mark 


12 


41 


... 21, 56 


Mark 


12 


44 


.... 50 


Mark 


13 


2 


.... 487 


Mark 


13 


5 


.... 209 


Mark 


13 


11 


.... 303 


Mark 


13 


18 


.... 200 


Mark 


13 


21 


.... 165 


Mark 


13 


22 


.... 107 


Mark 


13 


30 


... 172, 331 


Mark 


13 


34 


.... 204 


Mark 


14 


2 


.... 199 


Mark 


14 


12 


171 


Mark 


14 


14 , 


. . . 318, 319 


Mark 


14 


21 


.... 469 


Mark 


14 


28 


.... 406 


Mark 


14 


29 . 


. 279, 280, 285 


Mark 


14 


30 , 


380 


Mark 


14 


31 


. ... 66, 279 


Mark 


14 


32 


.... 325 


Mark 


14 


41 


.... 52 


Mark 


15 


9 , 


. . . 122, 171 


Mark 


15 






Mark 


15 


44 , 


277 


Mark 


16 




169 


Mark 


16 


20 , 


. . . . 119, 449 


Luke 


1 


1 


. . . .229 


Luke 


1 


8 , 


415 


Luke 


1 


9 . 


.... 401 


Luke 


1 


10 


34 


Luke 


1 


21 


431 


Luke 


1 


22 


.... 34 


Luke 


1 


29 


.... Ill 


Luke 


1 






Luke 


1 






Luke 


1 






Luke 


1 


54 


.... 375 


Luke 


1 


57 . 


.... 400 


Luke 


1 


59 . 


23 


Luke 


1 


62 . 


. . . Ill, 179 


Luke 


1 


66 


.... 21 


Luke 


1 




.... 375 



INDEX OF PASSAGES REFERRED TO. 203 











SECTION 








SECTION 


Luke 1 


74 








400 


Luke 


7 : 


39 


. ... 73, 241 


Luke 1 : 


76, 77, 79 






397 


Luke 


7 : 


40 


368 


Luke 2 • 


6 








400 


Luke 


7 . 


45 


459 


Luke 2 • 


18 








57 


Luke 


7 : 


47 


313 


Luke 2 : 


21 






106, 400 


Luke 


7 : 


48 


345 


Luke 2 


22, 


24 . 






397 


Luke 


8: 


2 


89 


T nVo 9 • 


26 




j 91, 114, 333, 
\ 344, 390, 431 


Luke 
Luke 


00 00 


5 
9 


...... 415 

343 


Luke 2 


27 






109, 


397 


Luke 


8 : 


10 


366 


Luke 2 


35 








195 


Luke 


8 


18 


.... 310, 313 


Luke 2 


44 








37 


Luke 


8 


27 


.... 29, 48 


Luke 2 


49 








28 


Luke 


8 






Luke 2 


51 








22 


Luke 


8 


46 


.... 154, 458 












15 


Luke 


8 


47 . 


350 


Luke 3 


10 








168 


Luke 


8 


49 


.... 14. 47 


Luke 3 


15 








111 


Luke 


9 


4 


310 


Luke 3 


16 








122 


Luke 


9 


13 . 


.... 252, 253 


Luke 3 


21 








109 


Luke 


9 


18 


97 


Luke 3 










55 


Luke 


9 


24 


314 


Luke 4 


10 






404, 405 


Luke 


9 


25 


141 


Luke 4 


15 


• • 


. . . 




449 


Luke 


9 


27 


.... 172, 322 


Luke 4 


16 








295 


Luke 


9 


33 


485 


Luke 4 


22 








57 


Luke 


9 


34 


109 


Luke 4 


23 






146, 


460 


Luke 


9 


36 . 


. 41, 78, 88, 109 


Luke 4 


29 








371 


Luke 


9 


44 . 


72 


Luke 4 












Luke 


9 


45 , 


222 


Luke 5 


1 








358 


Luke 


9 


46 . 


179 


Luke 5 


4 








457 


Luke 


9 


48 


314 


Luke 5 


7 






405, 


449 


Luke 


9 


50 . 


469 


Luke 5 


10 








71 


Luke 


9 


52 


372 


Luke 5 


16 








34 


Luke 


9 


54 


.... 98, 171 


Luke 5 


17 








432 


Luke 


9 


: 57 . 


304 


Luke 5 


■ 26 








52 


Luke 


9 


: 58 


346 


Luke 5 


35 








316 


Luke 


10 


2 


200 


Luke 6 


11 




. Ill, 


179, 


343 


Luke 10 


: 6 


275 


Luke 6 


12 








360 


Luke 10 


18 


146 


Luke 6 


31 








171 


Luke 10 


. 19 , 


400 


Luke 6 


32, 


33, 34 






282 


Luke 10 


40 


368 


Luke 6 


37 








183 


Luke 11 


: 1 


97 


Luke 6 


42 






161, 


485 


Luke 11 


: 3 , 


98 


Luke 7 


2 








73 


Luke 11 


5 


.... 168, 169 


Luke 7 


4 






318 


319 


Luke 11 


6 


318 


Luke 7 


6 






216, 


220 


Luke 11 


7 


449 


Luke 7 


19 








433 


Luke 11 


8 , 


285 


Luke 7 










43 


Luke 11 


. 18 


.... 112, 282 



204 



INDEX OF PASSAGES REFERRED TO. 











SECTION 










Luke 


11 


32 




231, 232 


Luke 


16 


17 


384 


Luke 


11 


35 




209 


Luke 


16 


18 


124 


Luke 


11 


37 




109 


Luke 


16 


31 


59 


Luke 


11 


42 




480 


Luke 


17 


1 


405 


Luke 


12 


1 




371 


Luke 


17 


o 


214 


Luke 


12 


4 




368 


Luke 


17 


4 


98 


Luke 


12 


5 




105 


Luke 


17 


5 


181 


Luke 


12 


8 




308 


Luke 


17 


8 


325 


Luke 


12 


8-10 




150 


Luke 


17 


27 


331 


Luke 


12 


10 




308 


Luke 


17 


31 


308 


Luke 


12 


11 




478 


Luke 


18 


1 


107 414 


Luke 


12 


15 




415 


Luke 


18 


4 


284 469 


Luke 


12 


17 




346 


Luke 


18 


5 


469 


Luke 12 


32 




55 


Luke 


18 


7 


..... 172 


Luke 


12 


33 




485 


Luke 


18 


10 


366 


Luke 


12 


34 




309 


Luke 


18 


25 


374, 384 


Luke 


12 


35 




103 


Luke 


18 


36 


179 


Luke 


12 


• 36 




454 


Luke 


18 


41 


171 


Luke 


12 


45 




405 


Luke 


19 


9 


46 


Luke 


12 


52 




94 


Luke 


19 


15 


109 


Luke 


12 


• 59 




323 


Luke 


19 


17 


.... 97 


Luke 


13 


: 7 . 




17 


Luke 


19 


40 


. 93, 254 


Luke 


13 


. 9 




271, 275 


Luke 


19 


42 


271 


Luke 


13 


• 10 




431 


Luke 


19 


• 47 


34 


Luke 


13 


: 16 




30 


Luke 


19 


48 


... 444 


Luke 




23 




125 


Luke 


20 


6 


.... 84 


Luke 


13 


25 




303 


Luke 


20 


10 . . 


. . . 198, 199 


Luke 


13 


28 




316 


Luke 


20 


16 


. 176 


Luke 


14 


1 




109 


Luke 


20 


20 . . 


.... 371 


Luke 


14 


10 




199 


Luke 


20 


22 


. 384 


Luke 


14 


26 


256, 261, 


428, 469 


Luke 


20 


40 


.... 482 


Luke 


14 


27 




313 


Luke 


20 


41 


.... 112 


Luke 


14 


31 




376 


Luke 


21 


1 


.... 138 


Luke 


14 


33 




469 


Luke 


21 


8 


.... 209 


Luke 


14 


34 




169 


Luke 


21 


22 


.... 400 


Luke 


15 


4 




323, 329 


Luke 


21 


24 


.... 71 


Luke 


15 


16 




23 


Luke 


22 


6 


.... 400 


Luke 


15 


24 




92 


Luke 


22 


9 . . 


.... 171 


Luke 


15 


26 




179, 343 


Luke 


22 


11 


.... 318 


Luke 


15 


29 




17 


Luke 


22 


15 . . 


.... 106 


Luke 


15 








Luke 


22 


26, 27 . 


.... 446 


Luke 


16 








Luke 


22 


28 . , 


. . . . 433 


Luke 


16 


4 




45 


Luke 


22 


34 . . 


. 112, 323, 390 


Luke 


16 : 


11 . 


. . 169, 


242, 472 


Luke 


22 


40 


.... 200 


Luke 


16 : 


15 . 




433 


Luke 


22 


46 , . 


.... 200 



INDEX OF PASSAGES REFERRED TO. 



205 









SECTION 








SECTION 


T nlrp 99 


49 . . 


... 70, 169 


John 


4 






T nlrp 99 






John 


5 


5 . . 


. . . . 131 


T nlrp 99 






John 


5 


6 . . 


. . . . 17 


T nkp 99 


67, 68 . 


.... 285 


John 


5 






T nlrp 93 


15 . . 


. . . . 84 


John 


5 


13 . . 


. . 134, 135 


T nlrp 93 






John 


5 


14 . . 


. . . . 165 








John 


5 






T nlrp 93 






John 


5 






T nkp '23 






John 


5 






T nlrp 93 


53 . . 


. . . . 489 


John 


5 




.... 86 


T nlrp 94- 






John 


5 


37 . . 


.... 88 


T nlrp 94- 






John 


5 


38 . , 


.... 86 


Luke 24 






John 


6 






Luke 24 






John 


6 


25 . . 


.... 82 


Luke 24 






John 


6 






Luke 24 






John 


6 


39, 40 . 


. . . . 213 


Luke 24 






John 


6 






Luke 24 


46 . . 


75, 114, 390 


John 


6 






Luke 24 


51 . . 




John 


6 


64 . . 


.... 153 










John 


6 


68 . . 


... 70, 169 


John 


1 


1 . . 




John 


6 


69 . . 


. . . . 77 


John 


1 


11 . . 




John 


6 


71 . . 


. . . . 73 


John 


1 


12 . . 




John 


7 




. . . . 199 


John 


1 


15 . . 




John 


7 


23 . . 


. . . . 244 


John 


1 






John 


7 




. . . . 47 


John 


1 


26 . . 




John 


7 


32 . . 


.... 458 


John 


1 


27 . . 




John 


7 






John 


1 






John 


7 


45 . . 


.... 169 


John 


1 


38 . . 


. . . . 157 


John 


7 


51 . . 


. . . 260, 467 


John 


1 






John 


8 






John 


2 


4 . . 




John 


8 






John 


2 






John 


8 




. . . . 474 


John 


2 


17 . . 




John 


8 






John 


2 






John 


8 




.... 263 


John 


2 






John 


8 


33 . . 


. ... 88 


John 


3 






John 


8 






John 


3 






John 


8 


52 . . 


.... 47 


John 


3 


16 . . 




John 


8 


55 . . 


. .... 282 


John 


3 


lo 


A 7 A 


John 


Q 
O 




Ol 7 


John 


3 


27 . . 


.... 482 


John 


9 


2 . . 


. . . 218, 219 


John 


4 


4 , 


. . . . 30 


John 


9 


4 


... 98, 327 


John 


4 


34 


. . . . 213 


John 


9 


9 


.... 345 


John 


4 






John 


9 


18 


.... 330 


John 


4 


47 


. . . . 16 


John 


9 


22 




John 


4 






John 


9 


33 . . 


. 31, 249, 469 



206 



INDEX OF PASSAGES REFERRED TO. 









SECTION 








SECTION 


John 10 








u 01111 1 0 


8 . . . 




John 10 








TnVm 1ft 
O Ollll 10 






John 10 


38 . . 


• • • 


. 285 


TnVm 1ft 
O Ullll 1U 


23 . . . 




John 11 








TnVm Ifi 
J Ullll 1U 


24 . . . 




John 11 






240, 260 


TnVm 1ft 
tl Ullll 1L) 


32 . . . 




John 11 


21 . . 






Tab n 17 

O Ullll 1 1 


2 ... 




John 11 








J ohn 1 { 






John 11 


36 . . 






John 17 


5 . . . 


. . 55, 106 


John 11 








J ohn 1 1 


11 . . . 




John 11 








John 17 






John 11 








TnVm 17 
O Ullll 1 1 






John 11 


52 . . 






TnVm 1ft 
J Ullll lo 






John 11 








TnVm 1ft 

cl Ullll lo 


18 . . . 




John 12 








Tnhn 1ft 
O Ullll io 






John 12 








TnVm 1ft 
O Ullll lo 






John 12 








TnVm 1ft 

j onn io 






John 12 






48, 127 


TnVm 1ft 
t) Ullll lo 


30 . . . 


. , 241, 432 


John 12 


18 . . 






TnVm 1ft 
t) Ullll lo 






John 12 


23 . . 






TnVm 1Q 

j onn it? 






John 12 








John 19 


11 . . . 


... 249 


John 12 


26 . . 


. 250, 


261, 309 


John 19 






John 12 


29 . . 




112, 390 


John 19 






John 12 








John 20 






John 12 








John 21 






John 13 


5 . . 


• • • 


431 


John 21 






John 13 








John 21 


25 . . . 


. . 112, 390 


John 13 
















John 13 


11 . . 






Acts 


1 






John 13 








Acts 


1 






John 13 








Acts 


1 






John 13 






34 


Acts 


1 






John 14 


3 . . 




309 


Acts 


2 






John 14 








Acts 


2 






John 14 


19 . . 




. 229 


Acts 


2 






John 14 








Acts 


2 






John 14 


28 . . 




248 


Acts 


3 






John 15 


6 . . 




43 


Acts 


3 


12 . . . 




John 15 






50, 213 


Acts 


3 


18 . . . 


. . . 114 


John 15 : 








Acts 


3 


i n 


-i n r 


John 15 


12, 13 , 




213 


Acts 


3 


26 . . . 


415, 442 


John 15 


20 




242, 295 


Acts 


4 


14 . . . 


... 368 


John 15 


22 




249 


Acts 


4 


20 . . . 


... 484 


John 16 


2 . . 


. 124, 


148, 216 


Acts 


4 


27 . . . 


... 92 


John 16 


3 , . 




232 


Acts 


4 


30 . . . 


415, 417 


John 16 : 


7 . , 




65, 214 


Acts 


4 




... 92 



INDEX OF PASSAGES REFERRED TO. 



207 



SECTION 

Acts 4 : 32 112 

Acts 4 : 34 127 

Acts 4 : 35 315 

Acts 4 : 37 127 

Acts 5:3 .. 389 

Acts 5:5 39 

Acts 5 : 14 423 

Acts 5 : 17 424 

Acts 5 : 24 179, 343 

Acts 5 : 26 224 

Acts 5 : 28 74 

Acts 5 : 30 447 

Acts 5 : 35 72 

Acts 5 : 38 230 

Acts 5 : 39 225, 242 

Acts 5 : 42 457 

Acts 6:3 317 

Acts 6 : 11 ...... . 86 

Acts 7:5 485 

Acts 7:7 308 

Acts 7 : 12 460 

Acts 7 : 18 331 

Acts 7 : 19 398 

Acts 7 : 26 23, 141 

Acts 7 : 34 161 

Acts 7 : 35 82 

Acts 7 : 36 37, 42 

Acts 7 : 42 368 

Acts 7 : 44 89 

Acts 7 : 52 52 

Acts 7 : 60 41 

Acts 8:11 108 

Acts 8 : 20 176, 452 

Acts 8 : 22 276 

Acts 8 : 23 460 

Acts 8 : 27 442 

Acts 8 : 31 . . 178, 179, 254, 267 

Acts 9:3 415 

Acts 9 : 12 146 

Acts 9 : 21 89 

Acts 9: 22 . . .89, 120, 121, 447 

Acts 9 : 23 210 

Acts 9 : 26 439 

Acts 9 : 32 360 

Acts 9 : 33 131 









SECTION 


Acts 


9 


: 34 . . 


. . . . 13 


Acts 


9 






Acts 


10 


1, 2 . . 




Acts 


10 






Acts 


10 






Acts 


10 


•17 . . 


. 154, 179, 343 


Acts 


10 






Acts 


10 






Acts 


10 


: 25 . . 


. . . . 404 


Acts 


10 


33 . . 


. 139, 366, 447 


Acts 


10 




. . . 151, 423 


Acts 


10 




. . . . 424 


Acts 


10 




. . . . 119 


Acts 


10 


47 . . 


. . . . 402 


Acts 


11 






Acts 


11 






Acts 


11 






Acts 


12 






Acts 


12 




.... 452 


Acts 


12 






Acts 


13 






Acts 


13 






Acts 


13 






Acts 


13 






Acts 


13 


33 . . 


. . . . 141 


Acts 


13 


40 . . 


. . . 206, 209 


Acts 


14 






Acts 


14 




A AO A O O 


Acts 


14 


19 . . 


. 112, 134, 138 


Acts 


14 






Acts 


15 : 






Acts 


15 






Acts 


15 






Acts 


15 






Acts 


15 


17 . . 


. . . . 195 


Acts 


15 






Acts 


15 






Acts 


15 






Acts 


15 


24 . . 8 


6, 121, 122, 229 


Acts 


15 


26 


. . . . 343 


Acts 


15 


28 


. . . . 386 


Acts 


15 


29 


. . . 121, 122 


Acts 


16 


16 , , 


. . . . 443 


Acts 


16 


18 


. . . . 13 


Acts 


16 


23 


. . . . 145 



208 



INDEX OF PASS AG 



ES HEFEREED TO. 







SECTION 






SECTION 


Acts 16 


m 


Q7 QOA 


A nfr- OQ . 

ACtS Zo : 


Qn 
oU 


a A no 1 1 o 
. . . 44, 99, 112 


Acts 17 • 


o 


Qn 


A o-fo OQ 

ACtS Zo 


OK 




Acts 17 


a 


1 ft Aft^ 


A of ci O f . 

ACtS Z4 : 


i n 


1 Q 1 


Acts 17 : 


i i 


111 


A of o O/l 

ACtS Z4 


1 1 


1 CO 


Acts 17 


1 Q 


1 1 Q 


A ofo O/l 

ACtS Z4 


1 o 




Acts 17 


18 . . < 


r 1 AO 1 7Q 1 7Q 

toy, i/o, i/y, 


\ ,,4- .-, O i 

ACtS Z4 


OQ 


1 it 


o?n Qft^ 
I z/u, ooo 


A ofo Of\ 
ACtS ZO 


i n 


ft i 


Acts 17 : 


Ol 


Qftft Q7A 


A ofo O 
ACtS ZO 


1 1 


QQ 1 


Acts 1 7 


07 

z / . 


O^ft 07ft AQ7 
ZOO, Z/D, 40/ 


A ofo O ^ 
ACtS zo 


1 Q 


1 AO 1 A z. 


Acts 18 


o 


i as 


V ofo O^ 

ACtS ZO 


1 ft 
10 


Ill QQQ O.AA 
. Ill, ooo, o44 


\ ofo IB 

Acts lo 


o 


no 1 a a 


A nfc! O K 

ACtS ZO 


00 


QQ 


Acts 18 


i n 


onQ 


A of O O ^ 

ACtS ZO 


O^ 


i ni 


A ofo 1 ft 

ACtS lo 


1 A 


1 f^Q O/l ft 


A otc 0^ 
-fi-Clb ZO 


Oft 


Qftft 


A ofo 1 ft 

ACtS lo 


1 ft 


A/1Q 


Ant c 0« 

ACtS ZO 


1 


1 Q 


A ofo 1 Q 

ACtS lo 


on 


/I KO 


A of c Oft 
ACtS ZO 


A 


/I07 


\ o+o 1 Q 

ACtS lo 


OQ 


1 1 O 


A ofo OA 
ACtS ZD 




OAQ 


Acts iy 


n 


iin 


A of o OA 
ACtS ZO 


(\ 


AO"! 


A ntn 1 O 

ACtS lu 


07 


inn Afti 


A of £3 OA 
ACtS ZO 


ft 


077 


A ofo 1 O 

ACtS 1U 


QO 
OZ 


on Q/iQ 

. oy, o4:o 


A of o OA 
ACtS ZO 


• 1 1 


OQ 


A ofo OA 

ACtS ZU 


q 


i £Q /inn 


A of a OA 
ACtS ZO 


1 Q 


1 A A 


a ofo on 
ACtS zu 


7 


1 piq 


A of a OA 
xlOlo ZU 


1 ft 


QQ7 


a ofo on 
ACtS ZU 


1 A 


OKQ A7^ 


A of a OA 
ACtS ZO 


90 


Aft<^ 


Anfo on 
ACtS ZU 


OA 


1 QA 


Ante Oft 

.rlLlo ZU 


Oft 
zu 


ftA AP.9 
04, ■ioZ 


a n+o on 

ACtS ZU 


Q9 


AOA 


Ante Oft 
xlLLo ZU 


00 


170 Afti 


a nto on 

ACtS ZU 


qp; 


Q7A 


A nta Oft 


• Q0 


QA 1 A1 


a ofo on 

ACtS ZU 


Qft 


70 


A ofo 07 
ACtS Z 1 


1 


A (\A 


A n+fi Ol 

ACtS Zl 


i 


1 Qft 


A of o 07 

ACtS Z I 


Q 


1 QO 


A ofo Ol 

ACtS Zl 


Q 


i Qn 


A ofes 07 
ACtS Z/ 


0 


1 Aft 


A nto Ol 

ACtS Zl 


1 0 


aaa 


A of o 07 
ACtS Z I 


i n 


1 A A /lftl 


A ofo Ol 
ACtS Zl 


1 Q 


/lftl 


A ofo 07 
ACtS Z / 


1 o 


OKQ 07A 


A ofo 0 1 

ACtS z 1 


1 ft 


Q1 Q 


A ofo 07 
ACtS Zl 


1 Q 

lo . 


1 QA 1 Q7 1 Qft 
lo4, lo/, loo 


Acts 21 


OA 


l no 


A ofo 07 

ACtS A I 


01 


QA 


A ntu OO 

ACtS ZZ 


/I 


1 OO 


A ofo 07 
ACtS Z / 


OO 


OOl 


Acts 22 


1 7 


A^Q 


A ofo 07 

ACtS z / 


Qn 


A A ft 


A ofo OO 

ACtS ZZ 


00 


QO 


A ofo 07 

ACtS Z / 


. QQ 


QQ1 


A ofo OO 

ACtS ZZ 


O/l 


1 A K 


A ofo 07 

ACtS z / 


QO 


OKQ 


A of o OQ 

ACtS Zo 


1 


1 Q7 


A ofo 07 
ACtS Z / 


AO 


zlO 


A /-.fa OQ 

ACtS Zo 


Q 


07 1 


A ofo OS 
ACtS Zo 


. ft 


1 AA 


A nfo OQ 
ACtS Zo 


i n 


OO/l 


A ofo Oft 
ACtS zo 


1 o 


A Aft 


Acts 23 


: 12 . . 


. . . . 330 


Acts 28 






Acts 23 


13 


... 146 


Acts 28 


26 


167 


Acts 23 


15 . . 


200, 399, 440 


Acts 28 


: 27 


.... 197, 199 


Acts 23 


17, 18, 19 


... 368 


Acts 28 


: 30 


..... 39 


Acts 23 


20 . . 


, 404, 440 








Acts 23 


26 


... 388 


Rom. 1 


: 10 . 


.... 276, 371 



INDEX OF PASSAGES REFERRED TO. 209 









SECTION 






SECTION 


Rom. 


1 


11 . 


1 Q7 AC\Q 

. iy/, 4uy 


nom. y 


1 7 
1 / 


1 Q7 
lift 


Rom. 


i 


: Zv 


/Ml 

411 


Rom. 9 


1 Q 
lo 


Q1 Q 
did 


Rom. 


-i 
i 


. Zi 


A AA 

400 


Rom. 9 


27 . . 


Zbb 


Rom. 


o 

Z 


A 

4 . 


11 J£)K 
11, 4^0 


nom. iu 


1 A 
14 


1 ftA 1 7A 

. ioy, i/o 


Rom. 


Z 


1 o 
iZ 


K 4 QA 1 

. 04, 001 


Kom. iu 


i n; 
10 


A1 C 

4/0 


Rom. 


2 


: Zl 


4Z / 


i\om. iu 


1Q 1 A 

io, iy . 


AdO 

40o 


Rom. 


3 


:4 . . 


f 1 7ft 177 1 OK 

j l/o, i/ /, iyo, 


nOll). 11 


i 

i . 


1 7ft 

1 / 0 




1 1 AO /1 7ft 

(. iyy, 4/o 


Rom. 11 


a 

0 . 


O { o 
z4o 


Rom. 


3 


: o . 


4zo 


T> om 1 1 

nom. 11 


Q 
. O . 


/I AA 
400 


Rom. 


o 

o 


6 . 


. 176, 476 


Rom. 11 


: 11 . . 


. . . . 176 


Rom. 


o 
o 


: Z6 


z.a 

04 


Rom. 11 


. 1 A 

: 14 


07 ft 

Z / 0 


Rom. 


Q 

0 


. Oft 

: Zo 


A AO 

4uy 


X> 1 1 

Kom. 11 


. i ft 
: 10 


07Q 
- / d 


Rom. 


Q 

o 


oi 


1 "ft A 7ft 

. 1 (0, 4/0 


Rom. 12 


. o 
: Z . 


1 A7 
10/ 


Rom. 


A 

4 


2 . 


O \ O O/IK 

. z4z, z40 


Rom. 12 


Q 

. o . 


/(II 

411 


Rom. 


A 

4 


. 1 o 

: VZ 


481 


Kom. iz 


. 1 £ 

: 10 


dOO 


Rom. 


A 

4 


1 Q 

. Id 


QA£ 

oyo 


Rom. 13 


: 0 . 


AQ1 

4ol 


Rom. 


A 

4 


1 A 
14 


i)AQ 07Q 

. Z4o, Z i o 


"D /->wi 1 Q 

K01T1. lo 


. Q 

: o . 


4oy 


nom. 


A 

4 


. 1 ft 
: 10 


4ol 


Rom. 13 


. 1 1 
: 1 1 


Q7Q 
d/O 


Rom. 


A 

4 


: iy 


140 


Rom. 14 


. o 


QQ7 
do/ 


Rom. 


A 

4 


. O 1 

: Zl 


1 A\ R 

140 


Kom. 14 


: y . 


/I 1 
41 


Rom. 


0 


i 

1 . 


. 104, 100 


itom. 14 


: 10 


dyo 


Rom. 


0 


: 0 . 


7/1 

/ 4 


Rom. 14 


oi 
Zl 


dyo 


Rom. 


0 


7 


ftO 

oy 


Kom. 10 


0 . 


1 7ft 
1/0 


Rom. 


e 
0 


11 . 


4 / 0 


Rom. 15 


. Q 

: o . 


QAA 

dyo 


Rom. 


c 
O 


1 A 
1U 


OA A 

z44 


Rom. 15 


1 Q 

lo 


1 7ft 

1 /o 


Rom. 


5 


1 o 
IZ 


F>A OOA 

. 04, ZZ\) 


Rom. 15 


1 A 

.14 . . 


1 KA 

104 


Rom. 


0 


o 

Z . 


AA 1 7A OQ/1 

oo, i/o, zy4 


ivom. io 


oo 

zz 


OQ /)A1 A AO 

zo, 401, 40Z 


Rom. 


a 
0 


i £ 
10 


1 7ft 

1 /O 


Kom, 10 


7 . . . 


QO 

oZ 


Rom. 


0 


lo 


Q1 Q 

Old 








Rom. 


/ 


Q 

o . 


AQ OAO OAQ 

oy, zoz, -j\jo 


1 uor. i 


/< 

4 


. Id4, IdO 


rtom. 


/ 


A 

4 . 


A AQ 

4uy 


1 uor. i 


1 A 
10 


OAA 
ZOO 


Rom. 


7 


a 

0 . 


A Q1 

4ol 


i r 1 /> *. i 
l uor. i 


1 7 

1 / . 


4ol 


Rom. 


7 
/ 


7 

/ . 


1 7A 

1 / 0 


i uor. l 


1 Q 
lo 


IOC 

I/O 


Rom. 


/ 


1 Q 

lo 


1 - A 

1 i 0 


i i 

1 uor. i 


OI 

Zl 


^dl 


Rom. 


Q 

o 


y . 


A ftA 

4oy 


1 1 

l uor. 1 


oo 
-J 


OQ1 O Q O 

. Zdl, Z6Z 


Rom. 


D 

o 


1 A 
10 


O A O 

ZiZ 


i / * i 

i uor. i 


0£ 

ZO 


AOK 
1ZO 


Rom. 


Q 

o 


1 Q 
lo 


70 

/ z 


l Cor. z 


7 

/ . 


i p;ft 
100 


Rom. 


o 
0 


1 7 

17 


•~iAQ O 7 O 

. ^J4o, Z / d 


i r i ^ o 

l uor. z 


1 A 
10 


1 KA 

100 


Rom. 


o 
O 


04 

Z4 


O AA 

ZvU 


l Lor. z 


5 


4/0 


Rom. 


8 : 


25 . 


261 


1 Cor. 3 


12 . . 


. . . . 240 


Rom. 


8 


29 . 


409 


1 Cor. 3 


17 . . 


. . . . 240 


Rom. 


9 


1 . . 


452 


1 Cor. 4 


2 . . . 


. . . 210, 212 


Rom. 


9 


3 . . 


33 


1 Cor. 4 


3 . . . 


. . . . 214 


Rom. 


9 


11 . 


454 


1 Cor. 4 


5 . . . 


. . . . 322 


Rom. 


9 


14 . 


176 


1 Cor. 4 : 


6 . . . 


. . . . 198 



210 



INDEX OF 



PASSAGES REFERRED TO 











SECTION 


i uor. 


A . 

4 : 


7 




OSO 
Z0Z 


1 L/Or. 


4 : 


Q 
0 




07 (^l 
Z/, 04 


i i^or. 


A . 
4 : 


1Z . 




A QS 
4o0 


i uor. 


4 


1 s 
10 . 




44U 


i uor. 


4 


1 Q 




O^ft 

zou 


i uor. 


1 

4 : 


01 

Z L . 




1 7 1 
1 / 1 


l uor. 


K 

o 


Q 

0 




OQ7 
Zo / 


1 uor. 


0 


1U . 


Q1 
ol , 


0 1 Q A 7 O 

Z4y, 4/y 


i 


0 


1 1 

11. 




44 


i V/Or. 


0 


ID . 




1 7A 
1 i 0 


i L-or. 


7 
i 


5 . 




07Q 


i v^or. 


7 


Q 

O 




Q7Q 
Z / O 


l uor. 


7 
i 


11 . 




OSO 
ZoZ 


1 Pnr- 

i L/Or. 


7 
1 


O^ 
Z0 . 




4/1 A 
440 


i uor. 


7 
1 


Z0 . 




n.ft 
OU 


i uor. 


7 


QA 




110 1 SO 
11Z, 10Z 


i L/Or. 


7 


QQ 

oy 




7Q OAft 

/y, ZOU 


1 Prvn 

i v^or. 


I 


AC\ 
4U . 




OAft 
ZOU 


1 Pav 

i v^or. 


Q 

O 


O 




OS1 
Z01 


1 Pat 


Q 

a 


Q 

•7 . . 




OftA ono 

zuo, zuy 


1 Pat 


Q 
O 


1 O 

1U . 




/til 
411 


1 Pat 


Q 

y 


1 

: i . • 




1 AQ 

loy 


1 Cor. 


9 


4, 0 




AAS 
400 


1 Cor. 


9 


1 ft 

1U . 




4UU 


1 Cor. 


9 


11 . 




O/IA OAS 
Z40, ZOO 


1 Cor. 


9 


1 A 
10 




OS^ 

. zoo 


1 Cor. 


9 


. 1 S 
: 10 . 




Ol Q 
Z lo 


1 Cor. 


9 


OA 
ZO 




AA^ 
440 


1 Cor. 10 


• 1 0 

: iz 




OftA 
ZUO 


1 Cor. 10 


.07 OQ 

: Z i , ZO . 




O^A 
ZOO 


1 Cor. 11 


Z 




7^ 
t 0 


1 Cor. 11 


lo 




1 A 
ID 


1 Cor. 11 


Ol 

Zl . 




iuy 


1 Cor. 11 


oo 

zz . 




Alft AAS 
41U, 400 


1 Cor. 11 


zo . 




1 ftCL 
1U0 


1 Cor. 11 


OA 

ZO . 




Q1 O 
OlZ 


1 Cor. 11 


OQ 

zy . 




4o0 


1 Cor. 12 


z 




Q1 ^ 
olO 


1 Cor. 12 


1 £ 

lo . 




ASA 
400 


1 Cor. 12 


19 . . 




. 273 


1 Cor. 13 


2 . . 




. 371 


1 Cor. 14 


.5 . . 


. 171 


252, 253 


1 Cor. 14 


10 . . 




. 259 


1 Cor. 14 


12 . . 




210, 229 


1 Cor. 14 


39 . . 




. 402 



SECTION 



1 Cor. 15 : 


4 . . 


. . . . 86 


1 Cor. 15 : 


18 . . 


. . . . 139 


1 Cor. 15 : 


29 . . 


. . . 230, 232 


1 Cor. 15 : 


36 . 


. . . . 313 


1 Cor. 15 


37 . . 


. 152, 259, 313 


1 Cor. 15 


51, 52 . 


.... 59 


1 Cor. 16 


3 . . 


. . . . 310 


1 Cor. 16 


4 . . 


.... 405 


1 Cor. 16 


10 . . 


. . . 205, 209 


1 Cor. 16 


11 . . 


.... 166 


2 Cor. 


1 


8 . . 


. . . 371, 401 


2 Cor. 


1 


9 . . 


... 80, 103 


2 Cor. 


1 


10 . . 


.... 77 


2 Cor. 


1 


17 . . 


. . . . 218 


2 Cor. 


2 


1 . . 


.... 395 


2 Cor. 


2 


3 . . 


.... 30 


2 Cor. 


2 


5 . . 


.... 240 


2 Cor. 


2 


7 . . 


. . . . 371 


2 Cor. 


2 


10 . . 


.... 301 


2 Cor. 


2 


13 . . 


... 80, 396 


2 Cor. 


2 


15 . . 


.... 125 


2 Cor. 


2 


17 . . 


.... 20 


2 Cor. 


3 


13 . . 


.... 414 


2 Cor. 


4 


3 . . 


.... 84 


2 Cor. 


4 


: 16 . . 


.... 284 


2 Cor. 


5 


13 . . 


.... 47 


2 Cor. 


5 


:20 . . 


. . . 445, 446 


2 Cor. 


6 


: 9, 10 . 


.... 446 


2 Cor. 


7 


: 5 . . 


.... 80 


2 Cor. 


7 


: 8 . . 


... 85, 284 


2 Cor. 


7 


. 12 . . 


.... 284 


2 Cor. 


8 


.6 . . 


. . . 200, 411 


2 Cor. 


8 


:9 . . 


. . 37, 41, 438 


2 Cor. 


8 


10 . . 


.... 481 


2 Cor. 


8 


: 11 . . 


. . . 394, 400 


2 Cor. 


9 


: o . . 


.... 431 


2 Cor. 


9 


: 7 . . 


.... 12 


2 Cor. 


9 


12 . . 


.... 20 


2 Cor. 


10 


: 9 . . 


.... 372 


2 Cor. 10 


. 15 . . 


. . . .378 


2 Cor. 11 


1 . . 


.... 27 


2 Cor. 11 


.3 . . 


.... 224 


2 Cor. 11 


:6 . . 


.... 284 


2 Cor. 11 


: 15 . . 


.... 282 



INDEX OF PASSAGES REFERRED 



TO. 211 



SECTION 

2 Cor. 11 : 16 273 

2 Cor. 11 : 25 ... 39, 80, 88 

2 Cor. 12 : 9 88 

2 Cor. 12 : 11 284 

2 Cor. 12 : 14 376 

2 Cor. 12 : 17 .... 78, 88 
2 Cor. 12 : 20 .... 224, 475 

2 Cor. 12 : 21 224 

2 Cor. 13 : 5 469 

Gal. 1:6 8, 10, 424 

Gal. 1:7 274 

Gal. 1:8. . . . 278, 281, 285 

Gal. 1 : 10 248 

Gal. 1 : 11 13 

Gal. 1:19 274 

Gal. 1 : 22 429, 432 

Gal. 1 : 23 ..... 34, 127 

Gal. 2 : 2 227 

Gal. 2:3 438 

Gal. 2:4 199 

Gal. 2:9 217, 385 

Gal. 2 : 13 236 

Gal. 2 : 14 343 

Gal. 2 : 17 ... 176, 177, 242 

Gal. 2 : 21 243 

Gal. 3 : 2 387 

Gal. 3 : 17 411 

Gal. 3 : 19 332 

Gal. 3 : 21 176 

Gal. 3 : 23 120, 406 

Gal. 4:4 293 

Gal. 4:8 85, 485 

Gal. 4 : 11 224, 227 

Gal. 4 : 15 249 

Gal. 4 : 17 198 

Gal. 4 : 18 384, 481 

Gal. 4 : 20 33 

Gal. 5:2 250 

Gal. 5:3. . . . 124, 125, 379 

Gal. 5:4 11 

Gal. 5:7 402 

Gal. 5:11 245 

Gal. 5 : 12 27 

Gal. 5 : 15 209 



Gal. 5:17 
Gal. 5 : 18 
Gal. 6:1. 
Gal. 6:6. 
Gal. 6:9. 
Gal. 6:13 
Gal. 6 : 14 



Eph. 
Eph. 
Eph. 
Eph. 
Eph. 
Eph. 
Eph. 
Eph. 
Eph. 



1:9. 
1 : 12 
1 : 16 
1 : 17 
2:4. 
3: 14 
4 : 18 
5:4. 
6: 11 



Eph. 6 
Eph. 6 



17 

22 



Phil. 1:6. 
Phil. 1 : 10 
Phil. 1 : 18 
Phil. 1 : 23 
Phil. 1 : 29 
Phil. 2:2 . 
Phil. 2:6. 
Phil. 2:7. 
Phil. 2 : 12 
Phil. 2 : 17 
Phil. 2 : 28 
Phil. 3:1. 
Phil. 3:8. 
Phil. 3 : 10 
Phil. 3 : 11, 12 
Phil. 3 : 16 
Phil. 4:5. 
Phil. 4:8. 
Phil. 4 : 11 

Col. 1 : 3, 4 

Col. 1:8. 

Col. 1 : 21 

Col. 2:5. 

Col. 2:6 . 



212 



INDEX OF PASSAGES REFERRED TO. 







SECTION 






SECTION 


Col. 2 : 8 




. 206, 424, 472 


2 Tim. 2 


: 13 . 


287 


Col. 3 : 18 




. . . . 32 


2 Tim. 2 


: 14 . 


479 


Col. 4 : 8 




. . . . 44 


2 Tim. 2 


: 18 . 


.... 112, 390 


Col. 4 : 12 




. . . . 203 


2 Tim. 2 


: 25 . 


.... 225, 344 


Col. 4 : 16 




. . . . 205 


2 Tim. 3 


: 15 . 


17 


Col. 4 : 17 




. . . 205, 209 


2 Tim. 4 


: 7 


.... 74, 85 








2 Tim. 4 


: 10 . 


137 


1 Thess. 1 


: 8 . . 


. . . . 369 


2 Tim. 4 


: 11 . 


. . 134, 138, 449 


1 Thess. 1 


: 10 . . 


. . . . 426 








1 Thess. 2 


: 8 . . 


. . . . 481 


Tit. 1 : 6 




.... 469, 470 


1 Thess. 2 


: 12 . . 


. . . . 412 


Tit. 1:11 . . 


474 


1 Thess. 2 


: 16 . . 


. . . . 411 


Tit. 2 : 8 




368 


1 Thess. 3 


: 5 . . 


. . . 227, 406 








1 Thess. 3 


: 8 . . 


. . . . 247 




4 . . 


..... 203 


1 Thess. 3 


: 10 . . 


. . . . 412 




11 . . 


44 


1 Thess. 3 


: 11, 12 


. . . . 176 


Philem. 13, 14 


33 


1 Thess. 4 


: 3 . . 


. . . . 386 




90 


..... 176 


1 Thess. 4 


: 18 . . 


. . . . 237 








1 Thess. 5 


: 4 . . 


. . . 218, 219 


tln'U O . 


o 


427 


1 Thess. 5 


: 10 . . 


. . . 252, 253 


TToK O . 


q 




1 Thess. 5 


: 15 . . 


. . . 206, 209 


TTnVi O . 


Q 


415 


1 Thess. 5 


: 19 . . 


. . . . 180 


Heb ?, • 


10 


149 


1 Thess. 5 


: 23 . . 


. . . . 176 


Heb a ; 


13 . . 


94 








Heb ?,■ 


17 . . 


409 


2 Thess. 2 


: 2 . . 


. . . . 412 


Heb 2- 


18 . . 


443 


2 Thess. 2 


: 3 . . 


. . . . 166 


Heb. 3 ; 


8 . . 


..... 162 


2 Thess. 2 


: 4 . . 


. . . . 371 








2 Thess. 2 


: 17 . . 


176 


Heb. 3 : 


12 . . 


109, 206, 209, 415 


2 Thess. 3 


: 5 . . 


. . . . 176 








2 Thess. 3 


: 11 . . 


. . . . 16 


Heb 3- 


18 . . 


112 


2 Thess. 3 


: 16 . . 


. . . 175, 176 


Heb 4- 


1 . . 


224 








Heb 4- 


2 


84 


1 Tim. 4 : 


4 . . 


. . . . 436 


Heb 4 • 


o 


...... 272 


1 Tim. 4 : 


8 . . 


. . . . 439 


Heb 4- 


5 . . 


272 


1 Tim. 4 : 


13 . . 


. . . . 328 


Heb 4- 


7 . . 




1 Tim. 5 : 


21 . . 


. . . . 447 


Heb 4 • 


8 . . 


248 


1 Tim. 6 : 


3 . . 


. . . 469, 470 


Heb 5- 


1 . . 


.... 124, 125 


1 Tim. 6 : 


17 . . 


. . . . 102 


Heb 5 • 


4 . . 


..... 125 








Heb, 5 : 


5 . . 




2 Tim. 1 : 


8, 9 . . 


. . . . 426 


Heb 5- 


8 . . 


437 


2 Tim. 1 : 


16 . . 


. . . . 176 


Heb 5- 


11 . . 


377 


2 Tim. 1 : 


18 . . 


. . . . 176 


Heb 5- 


12 . . 


400 


2 Tim. 2 : 


2 . . 


. . . . 376 


Heb. 6 • 


9 . . 


284 


2 Tim. 2 : 


5 . . 


. . . 260, 287 


Heb. 6 : 


10 . . 


.... 218, 371 


2 Tim. 2 : 


12 . . 


. 251, 255, 256 


Heb. 6 : 


14 . . 


.... 272, 448 



INDEX OF PASSAGES REFERRED TO. 213 









SECTION 






SECTION 


Heb. 6 


: 17 . 


425 


Jas. 4 : 2 






4Uo 


Heb. 7 


:6 . . 


82 


Jas. 4 : 3 








Heb. 7 


: 9 . . 


. . 82, 383, 426 


Jas. 4 : Ic 


,14 . . 


.... 




Heb. 7 


: 11 . 


481 


Jas. 5 : 15 . . . 






Heb. 7 


: 13 . 


88 










Heb. 7 


: 25 . 


387 


1 Pet. 1 : 


2 


1 7^ 


1 7fi 
1 1 u 


Heb. 7 


: 27 


139 


l Ppt 1 • 


24 




43 


Heb. i 




: 3 . . 


318 


1 Pet. 2 : 


16 




446 


Heb. 8 


: 5 . . 


82 


1 Pet. 2 : 


18 






Heb. 8 


: 9 . . 


461 


1 Pet. 3 


\ 


199, 


281 


Heb. 9 


: 12 


145 


1 Pet. 3 






47Q 
t 1 o 


Heb. 9 


: 18 . 


88 


1 Pet. 3 


7 




40'J 


Heb. < 


1 


: 26 


. . . . 31, 249 


1 Pet. 3 


14 . . 


259 273 


286 


Heb. 10 


:2 . . 


. . 108, 230, 232 


1 Pet. 3 . 


17 




259 


Heb. 10 


:9 . . 


. . . . . 88 


1 Pet. 3 : 


18 




14^ 

lit! 


Heb. 10 


: 15 . 


105 


1 Pet. 4 : 


12 




440 


Heb. 10 


: 25 . 


. . . . . 293 


1 Pet. 4 : 


17 




400 


Heb. 10 


: 36 . 


219 










Heb. 11 


: 3 . . 


. . . . 107, 411 


2 Pet. 1 : 


2 




176 


Heb. 11 


: 5 . . 


390 


2 Pet. 1 : 


9 




toy 


Heb. 11 


: 15 


248 


2 Pet. 1 : 


1 7 

ii . . 






Heb. 11 


: 28 


. . . . 80, 88 


2 Pet. 1 : 


18 




14fi 
nil 


Heb. 12 


: 1 . . 


. .... 160 










Heb. 12 


: 6 . . 


313 


1 Tnhn 1 • 
i o unit i . 


i 




ou 


Heb. 12 


: 25 


209 


1 Tnhn 1 

A. O Ullll 1 


q 


91 8 


9n3 


Heb. 13 


: 2 . . 


147 


1 Tnlin 1 • 
1 O Ullll 1 . 


1ft 




oo 


Heb. 13 


: 5 . . 


. . . . 172, 489 


1 Tnhn 9 • 

X O Ullll Li . 


o . 




7Q 


Heb. 13 


: 9 . . 


481 


1 Tnhn 9 • 
i O Ullll L . 


7 




98 


Heb. 13 


: 21 


176 


1 Tnhn 9 • 

1 O Ullll Zi . 


o 


119 


Ol7U 










1 Tnhn 9 • 
1 O Ullll _ . 


91 




48ft 
too 


Jas. 1 




1 . . 


388 


1 Tnhn 9 • 

i o onn L . 


99 




473 


Jas. 1 




4 . . 


219 


1 Tnhn 9 • 

1 O Ullll Li . 


97 


. . . 216, 


220 


Jas. 1 




5 . . 


269 


1 Tnhn Q • 
1 O Oil 11 o : 


1 

L . . 




213 


Jas. 1 




11 . . 


43 


1 Tnhn Q • 
1 O Ullll o . 


i n 

1W „ 




486 


Jas. 1 




18 . . 


409 


1 John 3 : 


13 . . 




277 


Jas. 1 




19 . . 


413 


1 John 3 : 


18 . . 




475 


Jas. 1 




22 . . 


. .... 479 


1 John 3 : 


22 . . 


. . . 299, 


314 


Jas. 1 




24 . . 


. . . 43, 78, 79 


1 John 4 : 


2 




460 


Jas. 1 




26 . . 


. . . . 261, 385 


1 John 4 : 


3 . . 


. . . 469, 470 


Jas. 1 




27 . . 


386 


1 John 4 : 


6 . . 




470 


Jas. 2 




8 . . 


67 


1 John 4 : 


7 . . 




160 


Jas. 2 




10 . . 


. ... 50, 307 


1 John 4 : 


9, 10 . 




86 


Jas. 2 




15 . . 


. . . . 250, 420 


1 John 5 : 


12 . . 




486 


Jas. 2 




16 . . 


250 


1 John 5 : 


15 . . 




247 


Jas. 2 




26 


293 


1 J ohn 5 : 


20 . . 




198 



214 INDEX OF PASSAGES REFERRED TO. 







SECTION 








SECTION 


2 John 6 




.... 213 


Rev. 


8 : 


1 . . . . 




316 


2 John £ 


\. . . . 


. . . 206, 209 


Rev. 


8 : 


5 . . . . 




80 


2 John 10 . . . 


.... 256 


Rev. 


9 : 


4 . . . . 


212 


472 








Rev. 


9 : 


5 . . . . 


. 212, 


312 


3 John 4 . . . 




Rev. 


9 : 


6 . . . . 




60 


3 John i 






Rev. 


9 : 


10 . . . 




378 








Rev. 


9 : 


20 . . . 




218 


Jude 17 ... 




Rev. 


11 : 


7 . . . . 




303 








Rev. 


11 : 


17 . . . 




54 


Rev 1 • 


3 




Rev. 


12 : 


2 . . . . 




389 


Rev. 1 : 


18 


. . . 429, 431 


Rev. 


12 : 


4 . . . . 




305 


Rev ?, ■ 


5 . . . 




Rev. 


13 : 


12 . . . 


205 


210 


Rev 2 • 


11 




Rev. 


13 : 


13 . . . 


210 


222 


Rev ?,: 


25 . . . 




Rev. 


13 : 


16 . . . 




205 


Rev 3- 


2 . . . 




Rev. 


14 : 


13 . . . 


124 


218 


Rev 3- 


3 . . . 




Rev. 


15 : 


4 . . . . 




172 


Rev 3 • 


9 




Rev. 


15 : 


8 . . . . 




331 


Rev 3 • 


11 




Rev. 


16 : 


9 . . . . 




371 


Rev 3 • 


15 




Rev. 


17 : 


12 . . . 




52 


Rev. 3 : 


16 


. . . . 232 


Rev. 


17 : 


17 . . . 




332 


Rev 4 • 


9 


.... 308 


Rev. 


19 : 


3 . . . . 




80 




i -i 




Rev. 


19 : 


13 . . . 




75 


Rev. 5 : 


5 


.... 371 


Rev. 


20 : 


3 . . . . 




331 


Rev 5 • 




.... 88 


Rev. 


20 : 


15 . . . 




242 


Rev 7 • 


3 


. . . 164, 331 


Rev. 


21 : 


16 . . . 




293 


T?PT7 7 • 


1 X 


.... 80 


Rev. 


21 : 


23 ... 




216 




Ifi 


.... 487 


Rev. 


22 : 


14 . . . 




218 






II. Old Testament. 








Gen. 2 


:19 . . 


.... 315 










139 


Gen. 3 


: 1 . . . 


.... 167 






a 




122 


Gen. 3 


: 22 . . 


.... 398 


Gen. 43 : 


11 . . . 




227 


Gen. 4 


: 14 . . 


.... 256 


Gen. 44 : 


15 . . . 




69 


Gen. 4 


:15 . . 


.... 148 


Gen. 44 : 


26 . . . 




256 


Gen. 10 


:19 . . 


.... 417 


Deut 










Gen. 16 


:3 . . . 


.... 400 


8 • 


3 . . . . 




68 


Gen. 19 


: 16 . . 


. . . 109, 415 


Judg 


11 • 


9 . . , . 




252 


Gen. 19 


: 21 . . 


.... 398 












Gen. 20 


: 7 . . . 


.... 256 


1 Sam. 2 


: 13, 14 . 




315 


Gen. 34 


:15 . . 


.... 415 


1 Sam. 2 


: 24 . . . 




400 


Gen. 34 


: 17 . . 


.... 398 


1 Sam. 12 


: 19 . . . 




141 


Gen. 34 


: 19 . . 


.... 401 


1 Sam. 12 


:23. . . 


. . 375, 


404 


Gen. 34 


: 22 . . 


.... 398 


1 Sam. 22 


: 13 . . . 




375 



INDEX OF PASSAGES REFERRED TO. 215 



SECTION 

Ps. 78 : 18, Heb. (lxx. 77 : 18) 375 

Ps. 101 : 15, lxx. {Heb. 102 : 15) 55 

Eccl. 4 : 13, 17 404 

Isa. 5 : 14 398 

Isa. 6:9 167 

Isa. 42 : 1 55 



1 Esdr. 4 


26, 27 


.... 52 


1 Mace. 3 


15 . . 


.... 404 


1 Mace. 6 


13 . . 


.... 47 


1 Mace. 9 


10 . . 


. ... 177 


1 Mace. 12 


22 . . 


.... 122 


Ps. Sol. 1 


1 . . 


. ... 415 


Ps. Sol. 1 


3 . . 


. . , . 415 


Ps. Sol. 2 


28 . . 


. 375, 401, 405 



SECTION 

Jer. 2 : 19 55 



Dan. 2 : 26, 27 145 

Dan. 3 : 13 145 

Dan. 3 : 24 145 

Dan. 3 r 26, 27 145 

Mai. 2 : 17 ...... 55 

Ps. Sol. 2 : 29 401 

Ps. Sol. 2 : 39, 40 375 

Ev. Pet. 23 20, 88 

Ev. Pet. 31 88 

Mart. Polyc. 8 : 2, 3 . . 37 f.n. 
Mart. Polyc. 10 : 1 ... . 217 

Jos. Ant. 10. 4. 2 461 



III. Apocrypha, Pseudepigra.pha, Etc. 



